As of Saturday, April 4, some prisoners have been released, but 20 remain in the facility as the Canada Border Services Agency requires each detainee to go through individual detention hearings before being released.

In a petition shared by Solidarity Across Borders (SAB) – a migrant justice organization based in Montreal – detainees stated that “in the detention centre we are in a confined space, every day we see the arrival of people, of immigrants, from everywhere, who have had no medical appointment nor any test to determine whether they are potential carriers of the virus. There is also the presence of security staff who are in contact with the external world every day and also have not had any testing.”

Prisons and jails violate all measures suggested by medical professionals to reduce exposure to the virus, as they entail large gatherings and living in close proximity to one another. Further, because of “unavoidable close contact and poor access to health care,” detainees “already face higher levels of risk of infection,” making them more susceptible to health issues including, but not limited, to COVID-19. Lucie Lemonde, a representative of the Ligue des droits et libertés – a Quebec-based non-profit formed to uphold the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights – also reported that there is a lack of personal protective equipment and soap in Quebec jails. This, along with the over-occupation of cells, puts these facilities in further violation of health and safety measures. These failures put incarcerated people at an extremely high risk of contracting COVID-19, adding to the already life-threatening consequences of incarceration.

Contact with guards and other employees who move in and out of detention centers also puts detainees at risk. On March 27, an employee who works directly with incarcerated people at the Hamilton-Wentworth Detention Centre in Hamilton, Ontario tested positive for COVID-19. This resulted in the exposure of approximately 560 incarcerated people to the virus, who have no ability to self-isolate or take preventative measures themselves. Meanwhile, the Centre’s employees have the ability to take time off, leave the facility, and self-isolate – incarcerated people do not. We cannot allow those in positions of authority to further abuse their power and put the most vulnerable at risk of contracting a potentially fatal virus.

In the case of the Laval migrant prison, the few who are being released are not being given adequate resources to transition into life in Montreal. According to SAB, one detainee was given a bus ticket and made to leave without any chance to access a phone to call the friends that he had arranged to stay with. Furthermore, he was told that he is unable to access official housing for refugees. For those who do not have connections in the city, a release from the facility without support is inhumane.

As they themselves demand, all detainees from the Laval migrant prison must be released immediately. While we recognize that the true solution to these problems is the abolishment of prisons and the prison industrial complex, there is an immediate need to protect detainees given the current situation. Public health must include everyone. We demand that the federal government provide assistance to individuals who are released. It is not enough to release incarcerated individuals – we must ensure that they have secure housing and food, as well as resources to support their integration into communities.

Individuals who want to support the detainees of the Laval Migrant Detention Centre can raise awareness by sharing and echoing their demands on social media. SAB is also asking individuals to create posters and banners and display them online or from their property, which they will add to their gallery of support.

The government must not remain silent on this issue. You can contact Federal Minister of Public Safety Bill Blair, who is directly responsible for these conditions, at bill.blair@parl.gc.ca. In your message, SAB asks you to use the following template:

“I am appalled that the government continues to flout its own public health recommendations when it comes to detention facilities, even as guards and prisoners test positive across the country. It is incredible that men detained in the Laval Immigration Holding Centre had to go on a hunger strike to pressure Public Safety Minister Bill Blair to take action. 

Migrant detainees and prisoners remain at an extremely high risk of contracting COVID-19. At least one employee at the Toronto Immigration Holding Centre has already contracted the virus. Minister Blair has not responded to the widespread call for immediate, collective release. The Canadian Border Services Agency (CBSA) is instead slowly releasing migrant detainees through hearings. This is a wholly inadequate response to this urgent crisis.

All detainees, whether in Laval or in other cities, in prisons or in detention centres, must be released immediately with adequate, safe housing ensured.”

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On average, Service Canada receives 45,000 unemployment applications per week. However, from March 16 to 22, they received 500,000 applications for employment insurance (EI), not including those who have had difficulties accessing the site due to server overload. In response to the influx of unemployment claims, criteria for EI applications were extended to include joblessness as a result of COVID-19, including temporary unemployment due to business closures. These changes occurred after Prime Minister Trudeau announced an $82 billion aid package on March 18. In Quebec alone, it is predicted that 349,906 jobs will be lost.

Quebec, like many other provinces, has temporarily suspended eviction orders. The Régie du logement du Québec promised that there will be no evictions if a tenant is unable to pay rent at this time. However, eviction hearings regarding “health and safety,” as well as “ones involving access to a rental unit […] along with those requiring exceptional intervention” will continue. The public has yet to be made aware of the mandate for eviction cases that are already underway. 

It appears, at first glance, that political leaders nationwide are providing effective financial solutions for those who are unemployed due to COVID-19-related business closures. However, most of these “solutions” are little more than band-aids. They do not consider long-term economic implications for tenants, nor do they provide a clear indication as to who is eligible for these aid packages. What’s more, these “solutions” undermine the reality that these specific cases of eviction are part of larger issues such as a lack of efficient social services and the rise of rental prices across Canada. Monthly rent increased by 31 per cent in Montreal between February 2019 and February 2020, a hike largely driven by unregulated short-term rentals facilitated by companies like Airbnb. Crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic do not create these issues; they simply exacerbate flaws that are already present in unsustainable capitalist structures.

Suspending some eviction hearings may provide a temporary sense of security for tenants. However, once the suspension is lifted, those facing eviction will be re-entering an economy in recession, which will likely lead to an increase in homelessness. Additionally, not all cases have been suspended, leaving open questions about what will happen to those facing eviction amid the pandemic. Postponing evictions is not a sufficient measure to protect tenants from homelessness, or the pandemic. 

Despite the predictions of a six-week shutdown, politicians have not yet proposed a plan for long-term financial support. The Vancouver Tenants’ Union argued against temporary strategies, saying that these approaches are “not going to keep [renters] in their homes. They are at a risk of eviction and they are panicking.” 

In Quebec, there has been no discussion of how newly-unemployed tenants will make rent payments after the eviction moratorium. Rent freezes are crucial during this time. Although employment insurance now includes those who have lost their jobs due to COVID-19, there has been no consideration of how this shutdown will impact those who rent in the coming months.  

As a response, tenants in Montreal and across the world are initiating a rent strike on April 1. Landlords face less financial instability than their tenants because they derive their incomes from ownership rather than labour. Banks have frozen mortgage payments for the next six months, meaning that landlords have no excuse to continue demanding money from tenants. This is why we need to strike! Besides refusing to pay rent, the strike also aims to “block evictions and renovictions [and] open up vacant housing — including Airbnbs, empty condos, and hotels — to house homeless people or those who lack safe housing.”  

In order for strikes to be effective, everyone must participate; to learn more about the rent strike, you can join the Facebook group “Rent Strike/Grève De Loyer – Montréal.” If you are in a position to do so, consider helping out in other ways by joining the Facebook group “MTL COVID-19 Mutual Aid Mobilisation d’entraide” in order to learn how you can be of assistance to your community. Most importantly, keep in mind that evictions, unemployment, and government-induced financial crises are not limited to this period of the COVID-19 pandemic. While the provincial shutdown has placed those already in precarious situations at the risk of financial ruin, housing insecurity predates the COVID-19 pandemic. We should always be striving for a more inclusive housing system that isn’t based on exploitation. Offering temporary solutions to those facing housing insecurity in a crisis is no substitute for real, comprehensive housing reform.

The post The Housing Crisis Is Not a Symptom of COVID-19 appeared first on The McGill Daily.

These posts also camouflage the disproportionate effects of climate change on racialized people, and enforce racist beliefs that the planet can be saved at the expense of the lives of people of colour. Climate justice movements perpetuate eco-fascism and racism, and  actively exclude racialized people, especially Indigenous peoples. The Canadian government’s response to COVID-19 is no exception. 

Although various provincial and federal regulations have been implemented in order to slow the spread of the virus, including travel restrictions and border closures, as well as self-isolation and social distancing recommendations – these solutions are not feasible for everyone, namely many Indigenous communities living on reserves. It is not possible to wash your hands more frequently when clean drinking water is already a scarce resource. It is not possible to self-isolate when your community is experiencing a housing crisis. 

There is a lack of infrastructure on many reserves due to the Canadian government’s chronic disregard for Indigenous peoples’ rights. Currently, 61 reserves are under a long-term boil water advisory, meaning that their water has been nonpotable for a year or longer. In addition, reserves are facing a housing crisis caused by a lack of funding and support from the government, forcing some families to live together in smaller homes. Social distancing and self-isolation are not viable options under these conditions, putting these communities at greater risk.

During the H1N1 pandemic, the isolated Indigenous reserves of Wasagamack and God’s River First Nation requested funding and basic medical supplies, including hand sanitizer, medicine, and face masks, from the then-incumbent Conservative government. What they received were body bags. The Harper government failed Indigenous communities during the pandemic, and the Trudeau government is not proving to be much better, despite their many claims and commitments. 

During the question period in the House of Commons on March 9, Winnipeg Centre NDP MP Leah Gazan asked Indigenous Services Minister Marc Miller if he was on the Cabinet Committee regarding the federal response to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19). Gazan called back to the government’s failings during H1N1, and the need for Indigenous peoples to be included in the government’s processes of addressing the pandemic and providing emergency aid. There are no Indigenous people on the committee, and at the time of Gazan’s question, the Indigenous Services Minister was only an alternate member. Since this interaction, after a teleconference with Indigenous leaders and Prime Minister Trudeau, Miller has joined the committee as a full member. However, there have been no official consultations with Indigenous leaders to create plans to provide adequate healthcare and resources to Indigenous communities and reserves. The government promises to “engage with First Nations and Inuit communities to support access to health services that are comparable to that of other Canadians,” but no direct or specific outcomes of this promise have been seen. 

As Canadian cases of COVID-19 increase, many Indigenous leaders and politicians are expressing their concerns that some reserves have not yet received hand sanitizer, gloves, or masks, greatly increasing the risk of the virus spreading within these smaller communities.

Some reserves are receiving only isolation tents, but in many cases these are not feasible or helpful, and are far from a universal solution. Additionally, according to federal officials, Inuit communities are not receiving tents.  For reserves in Northern Canada where tents are being provided, they are not habitable long-term, as they do not retain heat and cannot provide adequate shelter. Niki Ashton, NDP MP of Churchill-Keewatinook, a riding in Northern Manitoba, said of the tents, “You don’t put sick people in winter in a tent […] A tent in northern Manitoba’s climate for the next multiple months is basically the same as a body bag.”

The mobilization of the federal government to minimize the impact of COVID-19 is limited to helping select communities. $500 million of the government’s support for COVID-19 is going to provincial and territorial governments, but the major teleconference between Indigenous leaders and the Prime Minister on March 13 did not include Premiers. The $305 million in aid being promised to Indigenous communities has no clear allocation; the official COVID-19 committee has never mentioned it. Crucially we cannot let this new funding distract from the fact that in the initially proposed COVID-19 support budget, the Métis were not included.

In British Columbia, while members of the Wet’suwet’en Nation and those living at checkpoints on the land are being told to self-isolate, the RCMP is escorting pipeline workers back onto the construction sites, despite having no legal authority to be there. As stated in a Facebook post on the Wet’suwet’en Access Point on Gidimt’en Territory page, “Temporary workers and police from throughout the province come and go. Pipelines are stockpiled, while RCMP escort workers through Unist’ot’en, Gidimt’en and Lihkts’amisyu territory to clear the pipeline right of way.” In another post, they shared a photo of pipelines being stacked. These land protectors are being forced to choose between interacting with the police – which puts them at risk of unlawful arrests and police brutality, as well as potentially being exposed to COVID-19 – or not defending their land.

During COVID-19, while personal and community health concerns are important, the concerns of Indigenous communities are crucial and must receive equal attention from the government and the media. The government’s neglect cannot be ignored; they must be pressured to provide proper resources and assistance during a national health crisis. Call Minister of Indigenous Services Marc Miller and Minister of Indigenous Relations of Reconciliation Scott Fraser and demand that they implement clear communication with Indigenous leaders to meet the needs of their communities. It is crucial to call out eco-facism when we see it, and to support Indigenous land defenders by circulating information and assisting with online organization via social media, which is possible even under self-isolation.

The post Support Indigenous Communities During COVID-19 appeared first on The McGill Daily.

The widespread sentiment that COVID-19 is “just like the flu,” and therefore not a cause for concern, is harmful. While it seems that the majority of cases do not require hospitalization, it is estimated that 10-20 per cent of those with COVID-19 require medical care. The United States has only 2.8 hospital beds per 1,000 people, and Canada fares even worse, with only 2.5 beds per 1,000 people. If the number of those requiring hospitalization reaches 10 per cent in the United States, the country will run out of beds by May 10, and, like in Italy, they may have to make decisions on whose care will be prioritized when resources are scarce. In these situations, those with the lowest chance of surviving the virus – elderly and immunocompromised people, as well as those living with underlying medical conditions – may not receive access to essential hospital resources.

In order to prevent our healthcare system from being overwhelmed it’s important to slow the spread of COVID-19 as much as we can, so that even if a large number of people eventually catch the virus, those requiring hospitalization do not need it at the same time. This means avoiding crowded areas, practicing social distancing, not touching your face, and washing your hands with soap and water for at least 20 seconds. Social distancing – maintaining a distance of six feet/two metres between people – works most effectively in preventing the spread the earlier you begin. Refrain from stockpiling medical supplies, especially if you are not sick, elderly, or immunocompromised. This is particularly true for surgical masks – healthcare workers should have priority considering the increase in demand. Face masks are not recommended for the general public, according to the WHO, since masks sold for retail are not properly fitted for each person. WHO recommendations were never intended as justification for racially-motivated attacks; there is no excuse whatsoever to discriminate against or assault people for wearing face masks.

It is also crucial to recognize that not everyone can afford to self-quarantine. At the federal level in both Canada and the U.S., there is no legislation requiring employers to provide paid sick leave, and many who work in the gig economy or service industry, or who rely heavily on tips may not be able to afford to take unpaid time off. In Quebec, the law only mandates two days of paid leave – far from the required 14 days of quarantine. School closures are especially detrimental to students who rely on those institutions for internet access and/or food. Some parents may have to stay home to take care of their children if school is shut down – thus having to take unpaid time off. If you have a job that allows you to work from home and you are advised to self-isolate, it is essential that you follow these directions. Furthermore, many people are losing work from event cancellations and are asking for help – if you can help out financially, do so.

Many elderly and/or immunocompromised people cannot risk going out and running errands, such as grocery shopping or picking up medication. If you see someone asking for help and COVID-19 poses less of a risk to you, do what you can.

Do not engage with the racist stereotypes, discrimination, and harassment that have been affecting East Asian and Iranian communities, and call out your friends and family if they do. Viruses know no border or ethnicity; everyone has an equal chance of transmitting COVID-19. As a direct result of this misguided stigma, there has been a significant drop in business in Chinatowns across Canada. Furthermore, in the last few weeks, there have been instances of vandalism of Buddhist temples and the gates to Montreal’s Chinatown. If you are not being advised to self-isolate, make an effort to support businesses in Chinatown by eating at Chinese restaurants or ordering takeout.

At the time of publication (March 13), the Quebec government has prohibited events of more than 250 people, and is closing multiple public facilities. Those who have arrived in Canada recently or who have flu-like symptoms are advised to self-isolate for 14 days. For those who work in the public sector, as well as those who work in any healthcare and education systems, the two-week self-quarantine is mandatory. Public sector employees in self-isolation will be paid; employees in the private sector can expect similar measures soon. The general public is encouraged to work from home and practice social distancing.

McGill suspended classes on Friday, March 13, in order to “evaluate how today’s coronavirus (COVID-19) announcement from the Quebec government will impact campus operations and academic activities,” as per an email received by staff and students. In a tweet on Friday, March 13, at 1:26 p.m., McGill stated, “Further to Quebec government directives, campuses will be closed as of March 14 for two weeks. We are waiting for further details from the government as we continue planning for continuity of operations.” Further instruction from the administration on the University’s next steps is supposed to be given by Sunday, March 15. Should McGill opt to move lectures and classes online, it is crucial that they accommodate students who do not have access to a computer or internet from home. Further, students on exchange need quick and region-specific information on the next steps they should take. If students are not able to complete their studies this semester, the University must work to financially support those who cannot afford to stay in Montreal without studying, and to prevent the deportations of international students.

In this public health crisis, is it crucial that we prioritize the community when we can.

The post Responsibility During COVID-19 appeared first on The McGill Daily.

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For everyday civilian use, the cost of a landline call is minimal. In the OTMS, incarcerated people are only allowed to make outgoing collect calls – where the recipient has to pay over a dollar a minute – with the exception of a short list of approved toll-free numbers. This means that loved ones, care providers, legal counsels, and other contacts of prisoners have to pay astronomical amounts to talk to them – the mother of one incarcerated person amassed a phone bill of $6,072.12 over just three months.

Local families of prisoners at the Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre have reported being charged $1 to pick up a phone call, according to an October 2019 report from the Criminalization and Punishment Education Project (CPEP). “When a person is transported to the Ottawa jail from Cornwall, Pembroke or other neighbouring cities, towns, and villages, their loved ones and lawyers are forced to pay $2.50 to accept the call and up to $1.33 for each minute,” the report states. As a result, a twenty-minute phone call can cost as much as $30. As Ivory Tong from the Prisoner Correspondence Project told the Daily, “if you don’t have a strong support system on the outside that can support you financially like that then you don’t really get to talk to your friends and family.”

According to the Toronto Prisoners’ Rights Project, calls can only be made to landline phones – something fewer than two-thirds of Ontarians currently possess. These phone calls, which are capped at 20 minutes, are the only time (outside of written communication) when prisoners can contact loved ones, arrange re-integration plans, and access essential outside services. However, the phones cannot access switch boards, preventing prisoners from reaching the majority of mental health centres, crisis lines, and 1-800 numbers.

A lack of accessible phone service is directly correlated to loneliness, which has a significant negative impact on the mental health of people in the prison system. According to an August 2008 study on prisons in South Australia, “prisoners who scored higher on a measure of loneliness reported higher levels of depression, hopelessness and indicators of suicidal behaviour.” These factors compound other injustices that are heightened by the prison industrial complex, including racism, transphobia, homophobia, and varied forms of violence.

A Freedom of Information request filed by criminal lawyer Michael Spratt revealed that the Ontario government receives a portion of the revenue that Bell generates from these phone calls. Bell’s profiting off of the families of prisoners – who are disproportionately racialized, queer, and from low-income households – is exploitative and unacceptable. Prisoners’ rights groups are urging the Ontario government to follow in the footsteps of the municipal governments of New York City and San Francisco, who have passed legislation that makes phone calls free for prisoners. The groups are also demanding that prisoners be able to call any Canadian phone number, and are advocating for an increase in the time allowance for phone calls, if not the elimination of time limits altogether.

Mental health is an ongoing issue that disproportionately impacts racialized, queer, and low-income communities, and is especially compounded by systems of mass incarceration. It cannot be fixed through corporate wellness schemes like Bell Let’s Talk – and it cannot be solved within a fundamentally abusive and unethical system like the prison industrial complex. Though addressing this issue will not remove the larger structure in place, combating Bell and the Ontario government’s deeply harmful practices can improve, to a meaningful extent, the lives of incarcerated people.

The current contract between the Ontario government and Bell Canada expires in June 2020, meaning that now is the time to act. Members of the McGill community can condemn the current prison phone agreement by signing a petition created by Canadian Students for Sensible Drug Policy at Ryerson University. You can also contact Sylvia Jones, Ontario’s Solicitor General, at 519-941-7751 or sylvia.jonesco@pc.ola.org. If you are financially able, support the ongoing boycott of Bell Canada services, including phone, internet, and TV, as well as BCE Inc.’s subsidiaries such as Bell Media, The Source, Lucky Mobile, and Virgin Mobile. For updates on the movement, follow #LetUsTalk on Twitter.

Members of the Montreal community can also get involved in initiatives to combat prisoner isolation and loneliness such as the Prisoner Correspondence Project. To read more about the project, see our interview with Ivory Tong on page eight. Individuals can also volunteer with reintegration projects like Aumônerie communautaire de Montréal.

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As of January 2020, the RCMP has invaded and is currently occupying Wet’suwet’en territory. The RCMP have been stopping or stalling foot and air traffic across several access points, indiscriminately restricting access to both the Unist’ot’en and Gidimt’en camps for Wet’suwet’en people, volunteers, and journalists alike. In addition to road blocks, the RCMP recently admitted to monitoring Indigenous land defenders with drones, as uncovered by Vice, despite previous statements denying both air traffic restrictions and surveillance. In a press release on January 30, eight hereditary chiefs of the Wet’suwet’en Nation called for a public investigation into the RCMP’s influence over and access to the area around the pipeline. Earlier this month, The Guardian also reported that, according to court documents, the RCMP is prepared to use lethal force against Indigenous land defenders. This interference and violence by the RCMP is alarming, yet unsurprising considering its ongoing use of brutal violence against Indigenous peoples, and the use of military technology is indicative of the ways in which the colonial state reinforces its occupying presence.

In a press release on January 5, Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs issued an eviction notice to Coastal Gas Link workers. Despite this action being legal under ‘Anuch niwh’it’en (Wet’suwet’en law), as well as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), BC Supreme Court Judge Marguerite Church issued an injunction on December 31, 2019, barring the disruption of pipeline construction until the project is complete. Following the implementation of the illegal injunction, Indigenous youth activists held a sit-in at the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Petroleum in Victoria, where 12 people were arrested after occupying the building for 15 hours. On January 20, more than one hundred demonstrators blockaded the Swartz Bay ferry terminal with kayaks, completely shutting down ferry service to and from Vancouver island. Across BC, students and Indigenous youth activists held sit-ins and walkouts in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en Nation throughout the month.

While solidarity demonstrations unfolded across the province, BC’s provincial legislature became the first in Canada to implement UNDRIP after it failed to pass federally. However, BC Premier John Horgan’s implementation of the legislation has been widely criticised as being “impractically broad” – the legislation concerning how Indigenous and Canadian law will interact with the government’s third-party interests is not transparent. It is unacceptable and deceptive to pass this legislation while simultaneously undermining the sovereignty and self-determination of Indigenous peoples as well as Indigenous hereditary laws and land claims. BC’s implementation of UNDRIP does not accomodate or take into consideration Indigenous populations living outside of reserves, who make up the majority of BC’s Indigenous communities. Urban Indigenous communities live in their own unique contexts, with specific interests, which are not recognized by UNDRIP. Speaking to the CBC, Métis lawyer Patricia Barkaskas explained that Indigenous rights are inherent in Indigenous people, and aren’t relinquished when those people leave their First Nations. We must pressure the Canadian government, in BC and elsewhere, to recognize urban Indigenous communities as legitimate communities. Further, we must pressure the government to create legislation that reflects interests existing outside current government conceptions of land sovereignty and self-determination, which do not represent the specific needs of urban Indigenous peoples.

As of January 30, the RCMP agreed to stand down during the seven-day window of talks between Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs and the BC provincial government. The CBC reported that during this time the RCMP “would not enforce the court-ordered injunction;” despite this, there have been no reports of RCMP withdrawing forces from access points or camps at the time of print. Though, on the day they agreed to stand down, RCMP attempted to enter the Gidimt’en post, outside the injunction area, and threatened to arrest those monitoring the road.

Though the type of direct action needed at the Unist’ot’en Camp and at access points is not possible from Quebec, encourage family and friends in BC to volunteer and support those on the frontlines. Condemn the provincial government for sanctioning and perpetuating colonial violence against Indigenous peoples. Contact members of the provincial legislature and pressure members of the provincial legislature to acknowledge and respect Indigenous sovereignty and land title. You can also donate directly to general and legal funds, or purchase items on wishlists and needslists for both Unist’ot’en and Gidimt’en camps. The Unist’ot’en Camp website encourages individuals to create and share their own petitions and solidarity statements, which will be linked in the online version of this editorial. You can follow Wet’suwet’en Strong and Idle No More on Facebook for updates on organized solidarity events and action. The Unist’ot’en Camp website also has a supporter toolkit, as well as suggestions for how those outside of BC can organize action and support the Camp.

Related: Photos from the Demonstration at McGill

The post No RCMP on Wet’suwet’en Land appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Teck’s Frontier Project is currently awaiting approval from the federal Minister of Environment and Climate Change, Jonathan Wilkinson, following a report released in July 2019 by the Joint Review Panel, established by the Federal Minister of Environment and Climate Change and the Alberta Energy Regulator. The panel conditionally recommended the approval of the project. Wilkinson has until February to issue a decision on whether the proposal will be implemented. It is projected to produce 260,000 barrels of bitumen per day by 2037, “the same amount of greenhouse gas emissions as [putting] roughly 10 million new cars on the road,” according to a report from the Council of Canadians. Both the provincial and federal governments have been largely silent on the issue, attempting to approve the project while avoiding media attention and criticism.

Many Indigenous activists are organizing to protect their land from environmentally damaging projects. Last month, during the COP25 UN Climate Change Conference, Indigenous Climate Action held a demonstration against the Teck Mine. During this protest, Elder François Paulette, representative of the Dené Nation and Smith’s Landing First Nation, declared, “we outright opposed the Teck project. It’s 30 km south of Wood Buffalo National Park. This project did not consult with us, their report did not include Indigenous peoples’ traditional knowledge.”

Many leaders in the area have formalized agreements with Teck, including Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation Chief Allan Adam and Ron Quintal, the president of the Fort McKay Métis Community Association. Chief Allan Adam has also supported the Trans Mountain pipeline in the past, saying “If we want to be successful, we have to work together and come together. [The pipeline] is in the national interest of Canada.”

Despite this, opinions within affected Nations vary significantly, calling into question whether these formal decisions reflect the interests of the communities these officials represent. Honorary National Chief of the Dené Nation, Bill Erasmus, has opposed similar projects in the past, explaining that the expansion of tar sands “develop[s] the tailings ponds, which have toxic chemicals in them, and those leach into the environment, expanding into the water system, which comes north to us.”

The federal and provincial governments must consider the ramifications of these expansion projects, especially while claiming to work towards lower carbon emission targets. Further, the aforementioned 2019 report found that the construction of the Teck Mine, “in combination with the effects of other existing, approved, and planned developments and other disturbances in the region surrounding the project [will be] adverse and significant for most [I]ndigenous groups.”

Indigenous activists have been continuously advocating for land protection with minimal recognition. It is crucial for non-Indigenous people to uplift these voices, and support their action. Widespread public criticism of the mine could impact the Minister’s decision regarding its implementation. There are many ways to take action and express your opinions on the project, including a number of petitions and letters that you can sign, which are linked in the online version of this editorial.

You can also personally contact your local MP – for students who live in Milton-Parc (which is in the riding of Laurier—Sainte-Marie), this is Steven Guilbeault, who can be reached at 613-992-6779 or steven.guilbeault@parl.gc.ca. Furthermore, contact Minister of the Environment and Climate Change Jonathan Wilkinson at 613-995-1225 or jonathan.wilkinson@parl.gc.ca. To keep up with recent developments, follow #RejectTeck, Indigenous Climate (@Indigenous_ca), Stand.earth (@standearth), and No Tar Sands (@NoTarSands) on Twitter.

The post #RejectTeck: Stand With Indigenous Land Protectors appeared first on The McGill Daily.

It is important to note that this sentiment was not formed in a vacuum – Quebec as a province has a long history of religious discrimination. Jewish people have continually been discriminated against in the province’s legislature and universities, including a quota on Jewish students at McGill University that was only removed in 1956. Even after a Quebecois white nationalist killed six Muslims in a mosque in Quebec City, CAQ Premier François Legault alleged that Islamophobia is not commonplace. The current immigration “values test” continues a legacy of racist and xenophobic restrictions in Quebec, which, contrary to common belief, existed prior to the rise of Islamophobic sentiments post-9/11.

The Quebec secularist movement has long asserted that ethics should not be taught in association with religion, claiming that it may set a precedent that conflates the two. The Parti Québécois and the CAQ government have both supported abolishing the course in the past, on the grounds that it “promote[s] the federal vision of multiculturalism,” and over-accommodates other religions. According to the new curriculum, notable topics of this course will include “citizen participation, democracy, legal education, sexuality, interpersonal relationships, ethics, and eco- and digital-citizenship.”

Quebec’s Education Minister Jean-François Roberge issued a statement to Radio-Canada on January 10, 2020, claiming that “the objective [of the course] is to make more room for 21st-century themes.” This loaded language places religious faith as a relic of the past – rhetoric which is often leveled against religious people of colour and those practicing non-Christian faiths, who are targeted by Law 21 and the racism that fuels it.

The ECR course was originally established in 2008 by Jean Charest’s Liberal government to replace Catholic ethics education in Quebec, and claimed to promote “justice, happiness, laws and regulations” while respecting “the freedom of conscience and religion of parents, students and teaching staff.”

Some Catholic parents have felt that this mandatory curriculum violated their right to teach “their own moral and religious framework” to their children, a claim which was taken to the federal level twice. One of these instances was in 2012, when a group of Catholic parents in Drummondville appealed to the Supreme Court, arguing that the ECR curriculum infringed upon their religious freedoms. However, the claim was refuted by Marie Deschamps, the puisne justice at the time, who argued that “exposing children to […] various religions without forcing the children to join them does not constitute an indoctrination of students that would infringe the freedom of religion.”  In 2015, a Jesuit private school in Montreal, Loyola High School, approached the Supreme Court of Canada with a similar argument, asserting that the teachers should not have to cover religions that conflict with the Catholic teachings of their curriculum. Their claim was accepted under the condition that the school would submit an alternative curriculum for review.

Clearly, the interpretation of what is considered “infringing on religious freedom” is inconsistent. The CAQ’s discriminatory “solution” for respectfully and comprehensively educating children about religion only serves to remove the possibility for crucial conversations about respect for non-Christian faiths. These conversations are often the foundation for combating the bigotry that is promoted by xenophobic groups such as the CAQ.

Erasing religion from the curriculum entirely is a destructive move on the part of the CAQ. By refusing to educate Quebecois children on the existence and practices of other religious faiths, the CAQ is shaping a generation that will be unprepared to grapple with questions of personal freedom and religious freedom.

In a predominantly white, Christian society, the absence of other religious education is not a neutral position.

You can participate in an online consultation (in French only) over the ECR’s abolishment, or email the Ministry of Education at consultationsECR@education.gouv.qc.ca, both of which must be completed before February 21. You can also make your voice heard at the public consultation in Montreal on February 21, where education experts will be present to discuss the proposed reform.

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Since spring 2019, Facebook groups such as Chez Queer Montreal and Gentrification Montreal have been flooded with discussions of renoviction by community members providing advice on the subject. The Comité logement du Plateau Mont- Royal reported receiving at least 221 calls from tenants at risk of losing their homes to renoviction between April 1, 2019 and December 1, 2019. Housing advocates have labelled the situation a crisis. “We used to get 50 to 100 calls per year, from people complaining about being forced out of their apartments by landlords,” says Martin Blanchard, a community organizer with the Comité logement de la Petite Patrie, “now we get many hundreds every year.”

In order to recognize abuses of power from landlords, it is important for tenants to know the laws in place that strive to protect them from renoviction. For instance, owners can only evict a tenant when they want to divide up the rental unit, demolish it, enlarge it or change what it is used for. Furthermore, an owner is not allowed to evict or repossess an apartment on several conditions, including if the tenant or the tenant’s spouse is 70 years or older, has lived in the apartment for 10 or more years, or has an annual income that makes them eligible for low-rental housing (HLM). However, not all at-risk groups are necessarily protected under similar laws. If an eviction does occur, the owner must pay the tenant both compensation equal to three months’ rent and reasonable moving expenses. There are also restrictions regarding reasonable notice for eviction: in the case of a lease that is longer than six months, tenants must be notified six months prior to the termination of the lease.

Supporting affordable and accessible community housing initiatives is an effective way to fight back against renoviction. In 2019, SSMU created the Affordable Student Housing Committee as a part of the portfolio of VP External Affairs. According to SSMU Services Representative Noah Merali, the committee’s goals “are to research the problems surrounding housing in Montreal, consult with students and student groups to better understand their needs, promote existing housing options, work with Unité de travail pour l’implantation de logement étudiant (UTILE) and other groups to plan new housing options, and work with the Legal Information Clinic at McGill to educate students on their housing rights.” Students can get involved by attending a town hall meeting on Monday January 27th at 5p.m. at 3590 Jeanne-Mance, to talk about making housing more affordable for students.

If you are facing the threat of renoviction, consult the housing and legal resources on page nine of this issue. Even if you’re not, consider supporting people who are, by becoming a member of your local housing committee – for many McGill students, this is the Comité Logement du Plateau Mont-Royal. To avoid rising rent and gentrification, consider a lease transfer as opposed to letting your landlord reassign the apartment – this ensures that the incoming tenant pays similar costs as you did. The Facebook group Cession de bail et sous-location Montréal (Lease assignment and subletting Montreal) can help facilitate this process.

The post Know Your Rights, Fight Renoviction appeared first on The McGill Daily.

For more information on these, head over to McGill’s Scholarship and Student Aid website.
Email: student.aid@mcgill.ca
Telephone: 514-398-6013

In-Course Financial Aid: Loans and bursaries designed to help supplement or pay off government- based student loans.
Tuition Deferral: Students can defer the payment of tuition while waiting to receive financial aid or for students who are experiencing funding delays.

Work Study Program: Offers students with financial need access to clerical, research, technical, library or other jobs on campus or in some of the McGill-affiliated hospitals and organizations.

Emergency Financial Aid: Students can apply for emergency fun ding in extenuating circumstances when experiencing a range of financial emergencies. Emergency loans can be processed rapidly by completing an application and immediately calling the financial aid office.

Food Security

Midnight Kitchen: “Midnight Kitchen is a non-profit, worker and volunteer-run collective that operates out of Tio’tia:ke (unceded Kanien’kehá:ka territory) dedicated to providing accessible food to as many people as possible. We aim to empower individuals and communities by providing a working alternative to current capitalist, profit-driven systems of food production and distribution.”
Website: midnightkitchen.org
Email: midnightkitchencollective@gmail.com
Facebook: Midnight Kitchen Collective

Food Against Fascism: “Food Against Fascism is a non-profit, community project that prepares and distributes free, hot, healthy meals every Saturday at 2pm at Norman Bethune Square in downtown Montreal.”
Website: foodagainstfacism.org
Email: foodagainstfacism@gmail.com

Quebec Food Banks website
Food Bank locator: https://www.banquesalimentaires.org/en/our-actions/our-network/network-members/map/
Email:info@BanquesAlimentaires.org
Telephone: 514-344-0789

Quebec Collective Kitchen Group: “Quebec Collective Kitchens Association is a non-profit organisation aimed at the promotion and consolidation of emerging collective kitchens in Quebec. The values promoted by the collective kitchens include self-sufficiency, empowerment, dignity, democracy and social justice. Assuming the role of popular educator, the Association offers workshops on starting up and leading collective kitchens, as well as training sessions on economics, politics, social relationships and othe r topics that interest our members.”
Website: http://www.rccq.org/en/
Email: info@rccq.org
Telephone: (514) 529-3448

Housing

Chez Queer: Chez Queer is a Facebook “group for all the queers and queer allies of Montreal to help queers find lovely housemates and safe happy homes. Post ads if you’re looking for a place to stay, a new roommate, a sublet, or just folks to start a new home with.”
Website: https://www.facebook.com/groups/641712229179289/

Comité logement du Plateau Mont-Royal: “With a $2 yearly membership fee, you can become a member of the CLPMR. In addition to receiving our newsletter, Le Locataire [The Tenant], being a member gives you the right to vote in our general assemblies and to become a part of the administrative council. The CLPMR’s mission is to defend the rights of tenants.”
Website (French only): http://clpmr.com/
Email: clplateau@clpmr.com
Telephone: 514-527-3495

Legal Support

Educaloi: “Éducaloi is a registered charity that was founded in 2000. It is a leader in the movement to improve access to justice in Quebec. The core of our mission is explaining the law to Quebecers in everyday language. Our activities focus on creating legal information in plain language (Web, print, videos, etc.), creating legal education tools for teachers, helping people develop the skills to exercise their rights, sometimes called “legal capability”, raising awareness about how the law is part of everyday life, being a leader in the field of plain legal language, helping other organizations communicate in plain language”
Website: educaloi.qc.ca

McGill Legal Information Clinic: “The Legal Information Clinic at McGill (LICM) is a non-profit, student-run, bilingual and free legal information service. Anyone can make an appointment to access legal information, referral and other services. The Clinic maintains a continuing commitment to meeting the needs of marginalized groups, helping them access information and resources that might otherwise be out of reach.”
Website: licm.ca
Phone number: 514-398-6792

Mile End Legal Clinic: “The Clinic’s service model rests on three important components: 1) We offer free legal consultations from within organizations already deeply rooted in their communities. This allows us to reach a greater number of potential clients and marginalized individuals in particular. 2) We work hard to create a welcoming space to reduce feelings of intimidation that individuals may face in having to deal with a representative of the legal system. 3) We guarantee the financial accessibility of our services by offering them free of charge.”
Website: justicemontreal.org
Phone: 514-507-3054
Email: info@melc.ca

Healthcare

Head and Hands: “Since 1970, Head & Hands has provided medical, legal and social services to Montreal youth. Today, our services include free weekly drop-in medical clinics, legal information and consultations, counselling, a young parents’ program, youth drop-in, tutoring, street workers, and the Sense Project peer-based sex ed in high schools.”
Telephone: 514-481-0277

AIDS Community Care Montreal: “ACCM is a volunteer-based community organization working to enhance the quality of life of people living with HIV/AIDS and/or hepatitis C, to prevent HIV and hepatitis C transmission, and to promote community awareness and action.”
Website: https://accmontreal.org/
Email: info@accmontreal.org
Telephone: 514-527-0928

Montreal Abortion Access Project: “The Montreal Abortion Access Project aims to support abortion access in Montreal. People accessing abortion may be required to navigate an unfamiliar situation on their own or with little support. We created MAAP to bring the principles of doula care to abortion by providing support and accompaniment services. Our current support team is comprised of trained doulas and sexologists.”
Website: http://www.maap-paam.ca/
Email: info@maap-paam.ca

CACTUS Montréal: “CACTUS Montréal is a community organization for the prevention of blood-borne (BBSI) and sexually transmitted infections [that works with] injecting and inhaling drug users, sex workers, and trans people.”
Website: https://cactusmontreal.org/?lang=en
Email: info@cactusmontreal.org
Telephone: 514-847-0067

The post Reorientation Resources appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Briarpatch
Magazine

Briarpatch is an independent magazine operated out of Regina, Saskatchewan that is “not just devoted to reporting on social movements, [but also] committed to building them.” The magazine reports on topics including “current events, grassroots activism, electoral politics, economic justice, ecology, labour, food security, gender equity, Indigenous struggles, international solidarity, and other issues of political importance.”

The magazine’s editor, Saima Desai, is a former Daily News Editor and an organizer with the Fight for $15 Saskatchewan.

gal-dem
Magazine

Gal-Dem is an online and print publication “committed to telling the stories of women and non-binary people of colour.” It is dedicated to redressing the “imbalance in media,” where the “journalistic landscape is 94% white and 55% male.” The magazine covers a wide variety of topics, including news, culture, life, music, and politics.

Some standout articles include “RIP Tumblr: no longer a safe haven for PoC to explore their sexuality,” “Being nice to shitty people is not going to fix politics,” and “What it means to be black, disabled women navigating sex.”

Rikki Poynter
YouTuber

Rikki Poynter is a Deaf YouTuber who makes videos about the queer and deaf communities, chronic illness, activism, and media representations of marginalized communities.

Some examples of her videos are “LGBTQ Pride Needs to Do Better,” “Being Deaf is not the Problem,” and “How to be an Activist While Protecting Your Mental Health.”

Hannah Witton
YouTuber

Hannah Witton is a YouTuber who makes videos about sex, relationships, living with a stoma, Judaism, and disability. Some examples of her videos include “Misconceptions About Sex & Disability” and “Why the UK Porn Block is Useless and Dangerous.”

She has written two books: Doing It, a guide to sex and relationships for young people, and The Hormone Diaries, which discusses periods, hormones, and her journey of coming off of the pill after seven years. She also hosts a podcast called Doing It! where she has open and honest conversations with guests about sex, relationships, dating, and bodies.

Crutches and Spice
Blog

Crutches and Spice is a blog where Imani Barbarin documents her life as a Black woman with cerebral palsy. She writes about a variety of topics related to current events, politics, arts and entertainment, and general reflections on living with disability.

Some of her blog posts include “Disabled People are Art: The Art of Us,” “We Need To Talk About Ableism-Related Anxiety,” and “2020 Belongs to the Candidate that Listens to Disabled People.”

Disability Visibility Project
Website

Founded by disability activist Alice Wong, the Disability Visibility Project “is an online community dedicated to creating, sharing, and amplifying disability media and culture.”

The project has a number of branches, including creating oral histories, publishing personal essays, hosting Twitter conversations, and consulting with organizations and companies on the topic of disability. Wong also hosts a podcast called Disability Visibility, which has touched on topics such as food accessibility, labour and care work, and self advocacy.

Decolonizingtherapy
Instagram Page

Dr. Jennifer Mullan runs @decolonizingtherapy, an account which she describes as having a focus on “Intergenerational Trauma Work, Honoring Your Ancestral Rage, [and] Decolonizing Your Cerebellum.”

Through the account, Mullan advocates for the needs of BIPOC in mental health care and uplifts the voices of other activists for accessible healthcare.

ForExposure_txt
Twitter Account

Any artist or freelancer knows how it feels to be asked to do work “for exposure” instead of appropriate compensation.

This Twitter account gathers instances of people and organizations soliciting work “for exposure” and not compensating workers. If you’ve ever wondered how prevalent precarious labour is for artists, take a look at this account.

This article is a part of our joint issue with Le Délit on Labour, Body, & Care. To read their pieces, visit delitfrancais.com.

The post Labour, Body, & Care in Media appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Both NGOs have trips taking place during winter break, with more planned for next semester.  On November 14, GMT held a vitals workshop, conducted by practicing nurses, to train participants in basic first-aid techniques, among other clinical skills. While undeniably useful for a student pursuing a career in healthcare, these workshops do not certify participants to practice medicine in Canada. Despite this, the only further requirement before participants interact with patients abroad is a  fee paid to the organization in question. Rather than requiring the typical four years of pre-med studies, the four additional years of medical school, and the residency which is needed to practice medicine, GMT instead sells its trips on the idea that “students will be exposed to a medical environment where they will be allowed to observe AND actively participate in the medical assessments / treatments of patients who have scarce economic resources, poor access to healthcare, and have to live within various primitive types of Public Healthcare systems.” The use of the word “primitive” in this quote, taken directly from the organization’s website, exhibits the racist and classist framework that is central to these trips. The $1,250 USD fee that students pay to go on these trips would be more beneficial if donated to community organizations.   

GMT and MEDLIFE are both prime examples of “voluntourism:” a phenomenon where people use the excuse of providing services to inhabitants in order to travel to other countries. In reality, these trips are thinly-veiled neocolonial projects that further a white saviour mentality.

GMT, in particular, plays into these ideologies, stating that one of its “prime corollar[ies]” is to offer “healthcare students, professionals, and interested others a truly international experience that will expand their understanding of medicine, dentistry, and life outside of North America.” The organization also claims to  “provide […] free Medical and Dental healthcare services, and free medicines to the needy in Latin America” as another of the three main goals. The vocabulary in this, an official statement, reveals much about the position of the organization. Referring to certain people as “the needy” is othering, paternalistic, and condescending, while the entire phrase presents an image of gracious, benevolent (and implied professional) participants stepping in to alleviate these problems. GMT posits that future healthcare professionals will “best maximize their potential by globalizing the vision they have of their careers and lives. This means that they must expose themselves to other ways of living, and providing health care in contrast to that in their own societies. It is ideal to do this within the intimate milieu of other cultures.” In this statement, other countries, cultures, and lives are framed as tools: areas which North American students visit only for their own personal and career gain.

 Going to another country – described only as “poor” and in need of saving – for a finite period of time will neither help the people in that country, nor produce better healthcare professionals. The students attending these trips are allowed to interact with patients in capacities that would require years of training to perform in North America. Organizations like GMT and MEDLIFE promote the idea that people with limited access to healthcare should take what they can get, even if that means being “treated” by an underqualified 18-year-old looking to boost their resume. In some cases, those unqualified volunteers are actually pushing trained medical professionals out of their jobs. 

These types of programs are predicated on the idea that “poor” countries do not have existing healthcare systems or professionals in the community who are combating medical inequality. The fleeting nature of these projects means that participants are not learning from the community, but rather imposing their methods on their “patients.” There are no long-term benefits for these communities.  MEDLIFE claims to be addressing this by offering more long-term care in the areas to which it sends students, and their website acknowledges the fact that many other such NGOs offer trip-based care rather than establishing healthcare options that can benefit communities in lasting ways. MEDLIFE also claims to teach participants about the causes of health inequality, but neither organization engages with how Western imperialism creates the issues they claim to address.

Any student using this opportunity to “expand their worldview” is participating in and contributing to a system that positions certain countries, regions, and individuals as beneath others, to the extent that even untrained young adults are trusted with critical interpersonal care. It is especially abhorrent that these groups target first-year lectures, preying on new  students who are more likely to believe that this opportunity is critical for a successful medical school application.

Withholding donations, educating others on the nature of these groups, and avoiding their trips is critical. We must boycott GMT and MEDLIFE, and any other organizations which perpetuate white saviour narratives through voluntourism. Students hoping to make a difference should look to their own communities first by supporting organizations such as Head and Hands and the Open Door Shelter, who do important work in providing health services to the Montreal community.

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