After the substantial pressure of a long-fought struggle by Divest McGill and their allies, the McGill Board of Governors finally pledged to divest from direct investments in fossil fuels in December 2023.

Given the well-documented negative social and environmental impacts of the fossil fuel industry, this is undoubtedly a major win for climate and social justice organizers at McGill. But despite the McGill Media Relations Office (MRO) recently confirming to the Daily that the divestment has been “successfully completed,” there is yet more work to be done in reducing McGill’s ties to the fossil fuel industry.

Last October, I had the opportunity to interview Emily Eaton, co-author of a study titled “Fossil fuel industry influence in higher education: A review and a research agenda.” Eaton and her co-authors investigated the numerous ways in which the fossil fuel industry influences the curricula and research outputs of higher education institutions.

“There is a growing movement across many universities, especially led by students, that are looking not just at [fossil fuel] divestment but also at disassociation,” explained Eaton. “[They are] acknowledging that it’s not just that universities are invested in fossil fuel corporations, but also [other] ties that they have […] whether that’s funding a research chair or coming on campus for career days.”

These ties, identified by Eaton and her co-authors, include fossil fuel industry personnel sitting on university boards (or vice versa); fossil fuel companies sponsoring research, academic posts, or scholarships; and hosting career recruitment events for students that encourage them to work in the fossil fuel industry. The Daily has uncovered evidence of many of these ties at McGill.

What is the fossil fuel industry?

The term “fossil fuels” encompasses non-renewable energy sources such as oil, coal, and natural gas. This industry plays a significant role in Canada’s economy, accounting for 7.7 per cent of the country’s GDP and 25 per cent of exports in 2023. At the same time, the oil and gas sector is responsible for 31 per cent of Canada’s greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. On a global scale, fossil fuels account for over 75 per cent of GHG emissions, therefore making them the largest contributor to climate change overall. According to the International Panel on Climate Change’s 2023 report, global warming as a result of the burning of fossil fuels has led to more frequent and severe extreme weather events, putting people’s lives in danger across the globe. Fossil fuel companies have been aware of the industry’s negative environmental effects since the 1950s and ‘60s, yet have continually sought to obscure this knowledge from the general public in order to avoid government regulation.

The Corporate Mapping Project, which tracks the power dynamics within Canada’s fossil fuel industry, names three categories of actors within the industry. First, there are “emitters,” which are the corporations directly extracting, transporting, and processing fossil fuels. The work of these “emitters” is then supported by “enablers” and “legitimators.” “Enablers,” which include many banks, facilitate fossil fuel production by investing in these companies or creating regulations that are favourable to the industry. Finally, “legitimators” work to persuade the public or political elites on the benefits of fossil fuels – they may argue, for instance, that fossil fuels have a place in a low-carbon future, or that transitioning away from them is simply unfeasible. When looking into McGill’s ties to the fossil fuel industry, it is important to consider not just the affiliated companies themselves, but also the other actors providing them with both material and ideological support.

Fossil Fuel Interests on the McGill Board of Governors

In October, McGill appointed its first-ever Deputy Chancellor, Cynthia Price-Verreault. Price-Verreault had previously served on the Board of Governors for ten years from 2012 to 2022, including as Chair of the Committee to Advise on Matters of Social Responsibility (CAMSR, now CSSR), the committee which advises the Board of Governors on divestment from fossil fuels. She is also a former Petro-Canada employee, having worked as Director of Retail Marketing Services for 18 years, per her LinkedIn. Price-Verreault was the chair of CSSR (then CAMSR) in 2019, when the committee first considered and then decided against divesting from fossil fuels.

Price-Verreault is no longer a member of CSSR, but the current chair, Alan Desnoyers, also has corporate ties to the fossil fuel industry. Desnoyers works at the Royal Bank of Canada (RBC) as the regional vice president of Private Banking for Quebec and Eastern Canada. The Corporate Mapping Project classifies RBC as an “enabler” for being a key financier of the fossil fuel industry. A report by a coalition of environmental groups including the Rainforest Action Network and the Indigenous Environmental Network found that over the year of 2022, RBC was the biggest funder of the fossil fuel industry in the world. That year, the bank spent a total of 42 billion USD on fossil fuel development projects. Desnoyers has also previously worked at BMO and TD, two other banks which both remain huge investors in fossil fuels.

Page 49 of the McGill Board of Governors Handbook lists examples of conflicts of interest, including “when a Member, whether directly or indirectly, has a personal interest in the outcome of deliberations of the Board” and “when a Member is a member of the senior management personnel of a corporation, institution, or body, […] whose interests may be in competition with those of the University.” It could be argued that RBC’s continued interest in supporting the fossil fuel industry is in opposition to the decisions of numerous governing bodies such as the McGill Senate, SSMU, and even the Board itself, who have voted in favour of divestment from fossil fuel companies and acknowledged the socially and environmentally destructive nature of the industry. Given Desnoyers’s position as a senior employee of RBC – a corporation which profits ostensibly from the development of the fossil fuel industry – how likely would he be to vote for measures which could harm the industry’s growth?

When asked if Desnoyers’s position at RBC has ever been considered a conflict of interest, the MRO replied: “All members of the Committee on Sustainability and Social Responsibility (CSSR) commit to following our Board of Governors Code of Ethics and Conduct.” They added that “A conflict-of-interest declaration process takes place on an annual basis in order to ensure compliance.”

This system is reflective of a larger issue, raised by Divest McGill: the undemocratic structure of the Board. Out of the Board’s 25 voting members, 14 are unelected, including Desnoyers. The President and Chancellor, currently Deep Saini and Pierre Boivin, as well as the 12 members-at-large are chosen by the Board with no formal input from the rest of the McGill community, except in the case of the President where community members are invited to attend consultations. The other 11 Board members — representing students, staff (academic, administrative, and support), alumni — and Senators are elected by their respective communities, but comprise a minority of voting members. The average McGill community member therefore has relatively little say in who gets to sit on the Board and make executive decisions for the university at large, including whether or not to divest from industries such as fossil fuels or weapons manufacturing.

Recruitment from Fossil Fuel Industry

Universities are prime reservoirs for fossil fuel companies looking to recruit future employees into the industry. McGill career fairs have often hosted representatives from fossil fuel companies, particularly within the engineering department. The semesterly TechFair, organized by the Engineering Career Centre and volunteers from the engineering and computer science departments, has become a target for protests on account of the companies it chooses to host. In October 2023, Science for the People Canada created a zine highlighting the harmful actions of companies participating in TechFair, specifically those involved in the military and defense, mining, and oil and gas sectors. The zine argues that recruiters use the tech fair to greenwash their companies’ unethical practices in order to recruit new employees. Science for the People aims to “provide the other side of the story.”

In recent years, TechFair has continued to host companies directly involved in oil and gas extraction. Some of the companies hosted include Suncor, Teck Resources (also known as Elk Valley Resources), and Canadian Natural Resources Limited, which all directly participate in the extraction of fossil fuels. However, in addition to these direct “emitters,” Science for the People also flags “enabler” companies that collaborate with fossil fuel companies and help facilitate these operations by building relevant infrastructure or working to open up new land for exploitation. Examples of these companies include Preston Phipps, Klohn Crippen Berger, Enero Solutions, Alberici, and CIMA+.

In the winter 2025 edition of TechFair, a list of potential companies leaked to the Daily included Glencore, the world’s largest private-sector coal company, which produced 1.1 per cent of the world’s emissions in 2023. The company has also been accused of human rights abuses, environmental damage, and pollution in areas where it operates, such as Colombia and northern Quebec, according to a 2024 report by Mining Watch. Glencore is no stranger to TechFair, having been present at the past three semesterly events. Their inclusion, in addition to that of other oil and gas contractors such as Preston Phipps, shows that careers in the fossil fuel or similar extractive industries are still being heavily promoted at McGill.

Besides TechFair, the Desautels-run Jaclyn Fisher Career Day commonly features banks which invest heavily in the fossil fuel industry. In their September 2024 event, representatives came recruiting from TD, CIBC, and BNP Paribas. According to the Banking on Climate Chaos 2024 report, TD and BNP Paribas respectively provided 178.44 and 186.79 billion USD in fossil fuel financing between 2016 and 2023 (although the latter claims to have stopped financing new oil and gas fields in 2023).

The MRO explained that recruiters at McGill career fairs vary each year, mainly reflecting “market trends” and positions open to university graduates. They told the Daily that “McGill is willing to consider the participation of all lawful companies,” stressing that it is up to the students and not the university to determine which companies they are interested in. They added that if students have concerns about specific participants, they can share them with careers.caps@mcgill.ca.

Research funding and donations

Many Canadian universities, such as the University of Toronto, the University of Alberta, and the University of Calgary, have already been scrutinized for holding research partnerships with the fossil fuel industry. In a 2018 study on corporate influence in Canadian universities, University of Victoria researchers William Carroll and Garry Gray explained that “there is a long history of corporations directly funding research in order to cast doubt on independent scientific findings considered averse to industry interests,” citing the tobacco, pharmaceutical, and asbestos industries as examples. However, Eaton and her colleagues believe that there still remains a “gaping hole” in public knowledge about the fossil fuel industry’s influence on academic research.

The Web of Science database offers searching for academic publications based on the affiliations of the authors and the agencies which fund their research. Using this tool, the Daily was able to search for publications both authored by McGill researchers and funded by fossil fuel companies. The non-exhaustive results included companies which were either listed as “emitters” in the CMP’s Top 50 Fossil-Power index or as members of the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers (CAPP). Out of the 34 total companies included in the list, 14 had funded McGill-affiliated publications (available on Web of Science). The company Shell funded the most publications at 92, followed by Teck Resources at 61 and Imperial Oil at 27. In 2024 alone, McGill scholars published papers funded by Shell Canada, Teck Resources, and Imperial Oil.

A large number of these publications came from the Faculty of Engineering, specifically the Department of Mining and Materials Engineering. The faculty has a history of collaborating with fossil fuel companies – a 2019 Tribune article found that Shell and Imperial Oil had donated $702,775 toward research grants primarily for McGill Engineering students between 2008 and 2015. Both companies routinely collaborate with universities to fund research through schemes such as the Shell Research Alliance and the Imperial Oil University Research Award, which was won by a McGill professor in 2018. In addition to those from Engineering, members of the Faculty of Agriculture and Environment have also been involved in recent collaborations with Shell USA through the EcoToxChip project.

As reported in a Tribune article, McGill accepted a total of $1,137,954.10 in donations from several fossil fuel companies including Cenovus Energy, Suncor Energy, and Gaz Metro between 2008 and 2015. The Investigative Journalism Foundation’s charitable donations database shows that McGill received an additional $1150 from the Suncor Energy Foundation in 2016. Beginning in 2007, the Imperial Oil Foundation also donated $800,000 over a period of five years to the Faculties of Science and Education’s WOW Lab.

McGill’s Gift Acceptance Policy outlines several restrictions to accepting financial donations, including limiting those that “may come from illegal or unethical activities “violating university or government policies on equity and human rights, or gifts with conditions attached that the university deems unreasonable. When asked how the policy is applied toward fossil fuel donors, the MRO gave the reply that it “allows [McGill] to consider donors and gifts on a case-by-case basis.”

Moving forward

Most climate scientists today agree that fossil fuel extraction poses a significant threat to humanity and the planet. They warn that only by phasing out these industries will we stand a chance of preventing further destruction to the environment. While divesting from fossil fuel companies made for a powerful symbolic gesture, McGill’s investment portfolio was just one of the ways the university is connected to the fossil fuel industry. Although the connections identified in this article are by no means exhaustive, they offer insight into McGill’s continued relationship with the fossil fuel industry. Divestment is a start, but McGill has a long way to go before truly cutting ties with fossil fuels.

The post Divestment From Fossil Fuels Is Just The Beginning appeared first on The McGill Daily.

“In the last few weeks, our students have been arrested, detained, and even physically brutalized, all while conducting non-violent political demonstrations,” said Danna Ballantyne, the CSU’s External Affairs and Mobilization Coordinator. “We deserve to come to campus to learn and to have open dialogue without fearing for our safety.”

In the past semester, Concordia students protesting their university’s involvement in Israel’s genocide in Gaza have faced repression from both the police and the Concordia administration. The CSU reported that the university has charged at least 25 students with academic tribunals and suspensions for Palestine solidarity actions. On September 25, three students were violently arrested and detained in the Guy-Concordia metro station following a protest on campus. On October 31, students held a demonstration to protest the aforementioned arrests and disciplinary measures. Concordia responded by arresting two more students.

In addition to brutality by the Montreal police (SPVM), speakers at the press conference denounced the response of Concordia Security and Prevention Services (CSPS) to student protests. They specifically demanded that CSPS abolish five practices: following students off-campus, conducting citizens’ arrests, physical apprehension and detainment, preemptively coordinating responses to demonstrations with police, and facilitating police brutality and arrest instead of de-escalation.

Concordia spokesperson Vannina Maestracci told the Daily that “SPVM officers are only called by Campus Safety and Prevention Services agents and other community members when necessary and in accordance with Concordia’s policies. CSPS agents are trained in de-escalation, and that is always the primary objective of their response.”

She described the events of October 31 as “a sad example of circumstances deemed to warrant SPVM intervention as an agent was assaulted and others were blocked as they attempted to assist their colleague.”

In a follow-up email, Ballantyne described the CSPS’s actions on October 31 as “extremely escalatory. […] Student testimonies from October 31 allege that certain CSPS agents were seen restraining one of their fellow colleagues from accosting student protestors,” she wrote. “While I can’t speak directly to any claims of assault against these agents, footage of the events that took place on that day only show violence directed towards students.”

Vanessa Massot, Academic and Advocacy Coordinator at the CSU, argued that CSPS’s practices are particularly harmful to racialized students. They referenced the 1969 occupation of the computer labs, where the SPVM brutalized Black students protesting anti-Black racism, leading to the death of a student. President Graham Carr only apologized on Concordia’s behalf for their actions in 1969 in 2022. Massot called on Carr to honour that apology by preventing future police brutality on campus.
Massot’s comments were corroborated by Adam, a Black student and former student association executive, who “experienced firsthand the racial profiling and targeted surveillance that persists at [Concordia].” He described being followed, questioned, and threatened by CSPS for participating in peaceful gatherings.

“The administration continues to champion its commitment to diversity and so-called inclusion,” he said. “But how can those words hold any meaning when students face the same regulatory practices that were echoed all the way back in 1969?”

Abe Berglas, SSMU Vice President University Affairs, told the Daily that criminalizing student protests against the genocide in Palestine “is a really dangerous precedent.” They expressed concern about SPVM presence on Concordia’s campus, given that the Quebec Superior Court recently found racial profiling to be a “systemic problem” within the force. While security guards are different from cops, Berglas also argued that “they often end up perpetuating the same systems of oppression that cops do.”

When asked about the situation at McGill, Berglas confirmed that students have also faced disciplinary charges and physical aggression from security when protesting the genocide in Palestine. Over the summer, McGill frequently collaborated with the SPVM to respond to student protests, including the dismantlement of the Palestine solidarity encampment in July. Most recently, McGill security and the SPVM used tear gas to shut down a pro-Palestine protest on October 7.

However, Berglas believes that McGill students may have some advantages over their counterparts at Concordia.

“I feel as though McGill gets a lot of public attention because it’s seen as a prestigious school, and that also means that protestors get more sympathy,” they explained. “We are more protected knowing that if we go to the press, they’re more likely to take on our story.”

Concordia students are also looking to the press to share their outrage and demand change from their administration.

“This press conference is a plea to the Concordia administration to take seriously the issue of police brutality on their campus and to instill an accountability mechanism for the administration who has been abusing their institutional power instead of acting responsibly and in the interest of their own students’ safety,” said Massot.

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Groups such as HOOK and EPPNE repeatedly claim that schools indoctrinate children through LGBTQ-inclusive education and purposely undermine parental authority. Slogans such as “Say no to indoctrination” and “I belong to my parents” have been used for the mass mobilization of their members to launch nationwide protests, initially held on September 20, 2023. 

A statement supporting the counter-protest denounced the claim that schools indoctrinate students as false, arguing that HOOK and EPPNE “oppose the simple mention of trans people and couples of the same sex.” The statement added that “it is just as scary to consider the ideology of these groups that view children’s autonomy as eroding parents’ rights.” It also condemned the actions of the Quebec government, specifically the creation of the Comité des Sages as an advisory committee of gender identity.

In a press release on behalf of the organizations and communities that brought this counter-protest to life, they discussed the importance of standing against such hate: “We are fighting towards the same goal, only ours includes the protection and wellbeing of trans and queer youth, youth who have queer and trans parents or loved ones, or youth who have have trans and queer friends,” Zev Saltiel, a registered social worker and parent, wrote. 

Early into the counter-protest, the Daily spoke with a U1 McGill student, who chose to remain anonymous. “A lot of people are still ignorant,” they said, when reflecting on the importance of bringing awareness to not only trans people, but the harms and obstacles actively posed against them. They emphasized on what they believe this ignorance entails, by saying, “I feel like among a majority of non-queer people I meet, there is ignorance. And by ignorance, I mean lack of knowledge about trans people and a lack of empathy as well.” The student felt it critical that they come to support and participate in the counter-protests’ mission. 

Throughout the morning, the two sides were separated by two lines of riot police. Around 10:30, the original protest began to march and counter-protestors split into several groups in an attempt to cut them off. However, riot police formed a line between the two groups, and quickly started pushing the counter-protestors back with their shields and spraying the crowd with tear gas. The Daily witnessed police continue to push and assault counter-protestors even when they showed visible signs of injury or medical distress. When speaking with an organizer after the protest, the Daily found out that at least one counter-protester was arrested, and another sustained a head injury from a police baton. The Daily did not witness a similar level of police brutality towards the anti-trans protesters.

After the police violence calmed down, counter-protesters gathered in Place Vauquelin to wash off the tear gas and recover from the assault. Food from People’s Potato was served for lunch, which helped to boost morale. Around 12:15, a counter-protester arrived to announce that the original protest had disbanded, drawing cheers from the remaining counter-protestors.

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The commitment to exploring divestment from weapons companies comes as part of an offer that Saini claims to have made to representatives of the encampment. 

“This decision was taken as a result of discussions with (members of the encampment and) the broader McGill community who have asked us to move forward with this commitment that reflects our values and reinforces inclusion, stability and cohesion within our campus,” McGill’s Media Relations Office (MRO) told the Daily in an email.

The MRO added that “The McGill community can be expected to be consulted on this issue in the fall.” In December, McGill’s Committee on Sustainability and Social Responsibility (CSSR) will compile a report exploring “the question of divestment” and present it to the Board of Governors.  In addition to examining divestment, Saini pledged to fund two scholars “directly affected by the ongoing crisis in the Middle East,” and disclose McGill’s investments under $500,000, which were not previously disclosed.

Representatives of the encampment were not satisfied with this offer. In a statement by Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) and Independent Jewish Voices (IJV) McGill and Concordia, the organizations declared that this offer “falls short of the student body’s clear demand for material change.” They believe that by delegating this responsibility to a committee, the administration is trying to use bureaucracy to delay taking action in the hope that students will forget. They also called out the hypocrisy of McGill’s promise to fund scholars at risk while the university continues to invest in companies supplying the weapons being used in Israel’s genocide.

Furthermore, these representatives allege that McGill did not approach their negotiations in good faith. They claim that the McGill administration did not show up to scheduled meetings, and messaged individual students as an attempt to seemingly isolate the representatives. McGill, on the other hand, stated that they have “made substantial offers on many occasions, yet encampment representatives have declared their demands non-negotiable.” When the Daily requested the administration’s internal correspondences regarding the negotiations process, the documents were withheld to “protect professional secrecy.”

Emily, a founding member of Students for Peace and Disarmament who was heavily involved in campaigns for divestment from weapons manufacturers and fossil fuels, echoed SPHR and IJV’s doubts. Emily is “pessimistic that McGill’s exploration of divestment from weapons manufacturers will lead to any meaningful change without students making it happen themselves.” 

Investment in weapons manufacturers has long been a concern of McGill students, according to Emily. During the Vietnam War, students protested McGill’s involvement in weapon manufacturing, making it the only Canadian university on the CIA watchlist. In 1988, McGill imposed regulations on military-funded research, however these were repealed in 2009. In recent years, SSMU has passed both the Policy on Harmful Military Technology and the Divest for Human Rights Policy as a result of student advocacy, affirming their commitment to advocating for both divestment from weapons manufacturers and Israeli apartheid.

“Divestment from the military industrial complex cannot be separated from divestment in other instances, including in Palestine [and] other areas McGill is complicit in,” said Emily.

In November, the Daily reported that McGill invested at least $7 million in the top 100 arms-producing companies of 2022, most of which have ties to the Israeli military. As all investment amounts are now disclosed, the Daily found that investments in those same companies now exceed $10 million as of June 30 ($10,612,400), increasing by 29 per cent from June 2023 ($8,212,896.63). 

Through Access to Information requests, the Daily has been able to track the exact amount invested in these arms-producing companies since June 2023, as shown in the graph. Investments in some companies, such as Moog, Thales, Dassault, and Airbus, have decreased since June 2023. However, investments in companies with clear ties to the Israeli Defence Force, such as BAE Systems and Textron, have increased by over 100 per cent.

The CSSR advises McGill’s Board of Governors on matters of social responsibility relating to their investments. They are responsible for assessing whether a legal entity causes “social injury,” which they define as activities that “violate or frustrate the enforcement of rules of domestic or international law intended to protect individuals against deprivation of health, safety, or basic freedoms, or to protect the natural environment.” However, the CSSR’s definition emphasizes that “a legal person shall not be deemed to cause “social injury” simply because it does business with other legal persons which are themselves engaged in socially injurious activities.” This definition could therefore exclude many institutions, such as banks with investments in weapons manufacturing, that students are calling on the university to divest from in addition to weapons manufacturers. 

From their experience as a student organizer, Emily emphasized the importance for McGill students and community members calling for divestment from weapons manufacturers to continue to make their voices heard to the administration.

“Without pressure from a united McGill community, McGill’s “explorations” will get swept under the rug,” they warned.

The post McGill Commits to “Exploring” Divestment from Weapons Manufacturers Amid Pressure to Divest from Israeli Apartheid appeared first on The McGill Daily.

“The reason why we decided to do this is because we weren’t listened to, and McGill is obviously not going to listen to us unless we make them,” said Karim, a relay hunger striker and volunteer in an interview with the Daily. As a McGill student, he sees this as an opportunity for the university to take action that reflects the values of many students. He argued that many of their demands resonate with the student population, shown through the overwhelming support for SSMU’s Policy Against Genocide in Palestine, supported by 78.7 per cent of SSMU voters with record turnout. Additionally, an open letter to the McGill administration, in solidarity with the hunger strikers and their demands, has received over 1,200 signatures from alumni, faculty, staff, and others affiliated with the university.

At the time of writing, the death toll in Gaza exceeds 30,000, with many more still unaccounted for. The World Bank has also declared that half of Gaza’s population is at risk of imminent famine. Oxfam alleges that the Israeli state is responsible for this crisis by blocking relief from entering Gaza, leading to conditions of “man-made starvation.”

“We’re very lucky where we are right now as hunger strikers, even the ones who are striking indefinitely, [because] they get to do this by choice,” said Karim. He pointed out that Gazans don’t have the luxury of choosing whether they eat or not. He said that he and the other strikers cannot live with the fact that some of their tuition money is being used to fund this genocide and famine in Gaza. “We’re simply asking for humane treatment [of Palestinians] and until Israel does this, we are under the obligation to vote with our money, and one way is through investments.”

So far, the hunger strikers have not received much of a response from the university administration. Karim explained that although the administration initially offered to meet with the hunger strikers, they proposed a private meeting, whereas the hunger strikers wanted to invite representatives from all pro-Palestinian groups on campus. McGill, despite eventually agreeing to the demand, only offered a 30-minute meeting, which the hunger strikers deemed insufficient time to communicate and discuss their demands. Eventually, the meeting was called off as the administration believed the meeting would be unproductive. While the administration expressed “concern” for their well-being in email exchanges, President Deep Saini has also stated that McGill will not participate in an academic boycott of Israel by severing ties with Israeli academic and research institutions.

Although Karim has been hunger striking for two to three days at a time, he said that it significantly drained both his physical and mental abilities. He imagines this must be much worse for the indefinite hunger strikers, one of whom hasn’t eaten for over 30 days, only consuming a nutritional broth and electrolytes. Although medical teams are monitoring the strikers, Karim argues that the best way to ensure their wellbeing is for McGill to divest from companies funding Israeli apartheid and boycott Israeli institutions.

As stated through their email to the administration, the hunger strikers warn that “the future of this strike and the inevitable deterioration of the health of the hunger strikers lies in the hands of the McGill administration and the board of governors. Only these individuals have the power to put an end to this, and that is to start taking our demands seriously.”

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According to Graeme Scott, AMUSE’s Vice-President, Floor Fellows found out about McGill’s decision when they were called to a Zoom meeting with the Associate Director of Residence Life. In the meeting, which lasted only eight minutes, they were told that their positions would no longer exist after this year.

“There really was no sense that this was coming,” said Scott. The McGill Media Relations’ Office (MRO) told the Daily that this decision was “based on a comprehensive reassessment of Student Housing and Hospitality Services’ (SHHS) operational needs.” They further explained that “the evaluation takes into account various factors, including the evolving demands and preferences of the student body and an analysis of the students’ use of the Floor Fellow services.” However, Scott believes that neither the Floor Fellows, nor other employees working in residences, were consulted in this process.

When asked about the rationale behind this decision, the MRO responded that “there are more support services available to students than there were when the Floor Fellow position was created, and the unit has determined that the services meet the needs of the students.” They contextualized this decision as “part of a broader initiative to optimize resources, improve efficiency, and better meet the diverse needs of the student community.”

With Floor Fellows gone, “there will be an increase in the number of Residence Life Facilitator (RLF) positions,” added the MRO. Currently, RLFs’ main duties focus on planning events for students living in residence. Unlike Floor Fellows, they don’t live in residence, which makes Scott concerned about their ability to support students to the same degree which Floor Fellows can.

“I think it’s important to keep in mind that Floor Fellows, because we are live-in [and] because we are peers, are able to have a really close flexible peer relationship with our residents,” he said. “When a student is in crisis, it’s a lot easier for them to go talk to their Floor Fellow and have their Floor Fellow point them to relevant resources than it would be when they’re on their own, and don’t know how to access these resources.” Similarly, AMUSE’s press release additionally argues that accessing the university’s alternative services is currently “a complex bureaucratic and technical process” that would be difficult for first-year students to navigate on their own.

Scott explained that Floor Fellows are trained in a wide variety of support roles to deal with physical and mental health crises. They are taught how to recognize signs of suicidality, receive disclosures of sexual assault, recognize the signs of an overdose, administer naloxone, and perform CPR. However, he said that one of the most important roles that Floor Fellows play is giving residents someone to talk to who has once been in their shoes.

The decision to abolish Floor Fellows would leave McGill as one of the only universities in North America without a live-in support system for first- year students in residences.

“As we acknowledge the rich history of Residence Life, we are also excited about the opportunities to further enhance and evolve the program,” the MRO wrote in a statement to the Daily. “By building on the strengths of the past, we aim to ensure that Residence Life continues to support and foster a vibrant and inclusive community for all our students.”

Scott, however, is less optimistic. “We’re going to see a really marked decline in the quality of student services and the ability for resident students to actually access resources,” he told the Daily.

AMUSE is currently gathering testimonies about students’ experiences with floor fellows. If you’d like to share your thoughts or experiences, the form can be found on their website: amusemcgill.ca.

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“I’m aware that this decision has been unpopular,” said Girard when talking to reporters from the Daily and Le Délit. “I think all the concerns that have been expressed are legitimate.” He emphasized the need for the university and the government to sit down and find an “honest compromise.” However, he believes reducing the tuition increase from $17,000 to $12,000 with mandatory French courses is an example of such an “honest compromise.” On the other hand, McGill President Deep Saini has said that these new measures “are expected to have an even more devastating effect on the University than the ones announced two months ago.”

Originally from Quebec City, Girard himself attended McGill from 1986 to 1989 to pursue a joint honours degree in Economics and Finance. He now represents the riding of Groulx in the Laurentides region of the province, and dreams of one day becoming the finance minister of Canada.

During the discussion with Saini, Girard defended the tuition hikes and mandatory French classes as a measure to combat the supposed decline of the French language in Quebec.

“The Quebec government needs to take measures to promote and protect French,” he explained. “One measure is to make sure that citizens coming from outside of Quebec to study at McGill and Concordia will take some of the time in their curriculum to learn French, and therefore it will be easier for them to stay here after they graduate.”

When asked about the concern that the tuition increase, currently projected to be 33 per cent, would price out lower- income out-of-province and international students, including those who may be fluent French speakers, Girard replied that the university should address this concern. McGill has already created the Canada Award to offset the increased cost of tuition for out-of-province students, but the administration has warned that it would require significant financial sacrifices.

Finance or Minister Responsible for Relations with English- Speaking Quebecers. He claimed that these decisions are entirely the responsibility of Pascale Déry, Minister of Higher Education, and would not be included in the 2024-2025 budget to be released in March.

When asked about his role as Minister for Relations with English-Speaking Quebecers, Girard was quick to point out that he’s “not a lobbyist” for anglophones. Instead, his role is to “make sure that the communication lines are open, [so] that their points of view are heard when we do legislation.”

As seen by the protesters gathering outside the Bronfman building in anticipation of this event, Girard’s visit has come at a time when many members of the McGill community and beyond remain unhappy with the CAQ’s policies toward language and education. Girard acknowledged that many people advised him not to come at a time like this, but said it was important for him to speak with finance students at McGill.

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Cal Koger-Pease, a member of the Bargaining Support Committee, said that so far, bargaining has been going well for AGSEM.

“We were able to get through almost all of our non-monetary demands,” they said in an interview with the Daily. Some of the non-monetary demands included increased protection for sexual harassment and discrimination as well as the right for TAs to use their preferred name when applying for positions.

Emma Mckay, AGSEM’s mobilization officer, also told the Daily that “we didn’t expect it to go so well so fast.” They explained that AGSEM started the bargaining process with the non-monetary demands because they were the most likely to be met. They sent the university their monetary proposal in December, and are hoping to receive a counter-proposal shortly.

To mark the beginning of the bargaining for this semester, AGSEM members first gathered in front of Roddick Gates and eventually marched down the street to 680 Sherbrooke. Here, members of AGSEM and the Concordia Research and Education Workers (CREW), AGSEM’s Concordian counterpart, gave speeches to the crowd. Bargaining Committee member Dallas Jokic also led a singalong of the American union song “Solidarity Forever” with lyrics tailored to AGSEM’s campaign.

Mckay describes the bargaining process as very participatory. AGSEM consulted with their members through surveys to understand what they wanted out of the process. In addition to the three members of the Bargaining Committee, there was also a Bargaining Support Committee composed of ten additional people helping to develop the proposals. All AGSEM members are allowed to attend bargaining meetings, and speakers at the rally encouraged TAs to accompany the Bargaining Committee to their negotiations.

Koger-Pease was involved in organizing TA participation in the bargaining process. They said that up to ten TAs have been attending the bargaining in person, with a few more joining online.
“It’s been a lot more exciting than I expected,” they said when describing the negotiations. “Everyone obviously has so much they’re fighting for, versus McGill [who’s] just kind of doing their job.”

Nevertheless, Koger-Pease is still nervous now that the union is bigger, as monetary demands are now on the table. TAs at McGill currently make $33.08 per hour, but are asking for an increase to $46.36 per hour. This number was obtained by averaging the pay rates at other research universities, such as the University of Toronto, Queen’s, McMaster, and Carleton, who all pay their TAs between $40-$50 per hour. In a previous interview with the Daily, Mckay stated that current wages are insufficient to meet the cost of living, saying that members were having difficulty affording food, rent, and medical care.

Mckay hopes that if negotiations are successful, it will set a precedent for other TA unions in Montreal. For example, Concordia TAs currently earn less than their counterparts at McGill. Mckay believes this is “totally unacceptable for the same high quality education.” They hope that if AGSEM can win a significant raise, this will help Concordia TAs fight for the same demand.

“When we show our fellow workers and McGill that we have the capacity to bargain for these life-changing demands, that would be a historic moment in negotiations with McGill,” McKay said.

The McGill Media Relations Office told the Daily that “McGill will not make any comments regarding the current discussions and will let the negotiation process run its course.”

There will be a TA Assembly on monetary negotiations on January 30, where AGSEM members will discuss and vote on future steps in the bargaining process. TAs interested in getting involved in bargaining can sign up at www.agsem.ca/open-bargaining.

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On December 22, McGill Provost Christopher Manfredi announced that the university filed for leave to appeal a recent Superior court decision regarding archeological work on the grounds of the former Royal Victoria Hospital (RVH). The November 20 decision found that McGill and the Société Québécoise des Infrastructures (SQI) had breached the Settlement Agreement signed in April 2023 with the Kanien’kehá:ka Kahnistensera (Mohawk Mothers). The judge also called for the independent panel of archeologists dismissed in July 2023 to be reinstated. 

In the announcement, Manfredi explained that the decision to appeal is “based on our view that the judgment made legal and palpable errors.” He also revealed that tuition fees would be used to fund the resulting legal fees, alongside other sources of revenue. McGill will present their case to the Court of Appeal on January 16.

“Participating responsibly in the resulting legal proceedings, including seeking leave to appeal, is in the best interests of the university, including McGill students,” Manfredi wrote. 

At the centre of this dispute is the New Vic Project (NVP), described by Manfredi as “the most significant infrastructure project our university has undertaken since its inception.” The project aims to transform the RVH site into new teaching facilities for the university. Given that this project would require significant excavation, the Mohawk Mothers launched a case against the university and the SQI demanding a proper investigation of potential unmarked graves on the site. In particular, they were concerned about possible graves from the illegal MK-Ultra experiments conducted at the hospital in the 1950s and 60s. 

According to Philippe Blouin, a McGill Anthropology PhD student working with the Mothers on this case, they are “appalled” by McGill’s announcement. They had hoped that the new Superior Court ruling would lead to what they would consider a thorough and culturally-appropriate investigation.

“For the Mohawk Mothers, the basic point of this Settlement Agreement was to confide decision making to this panel of impartial archeologists,” he explained.

The panel of archeologists was first created in April 2023 when McGill, the SQI, and the Mohawk Mothers signed the Settlement Agreement resulting from the Mothers’ successful appeal to halt construction on the site in October 2022. Upon creation, the panel was composed of three archeologists (Adrian Burke, Lisa Hodgetts, and Justine Bourguignon-Tetreault) chosen by the three parties involved. The panel’s mandate encompassed studying the history, topography, and built environment of the RVH site in order to identify appropriate techniques, with the aim of determining the presence of unmarked graves. Although the panel submitted a report with their recommendations on July 17, paragraph 17 of the Settlement Agreement stipulates that the parties must seek the advice of the panel if there is an “unexpected discovery.”

Blouin pointed out that what constitutes an unexpected discovery “is not defined within the Settlement Agreement.” For example, he believes that following the panel’s dismissal, the investigation made an unexpected discovery when a Historic Human Remains Detection Dogs (HHRDD) team reported a second alert on the site on November 5. However, he said that at the time, the SQI claimed that paragraph 17 could only be triggered if a body or unnatural burial was found. Manfredi wrote that an investigation of the area of the second alert would take place in Spring 2024. 

Furthermore, Manfredi argued that per the Settlement Agreement, the archeological investigation does not need to be Indigenous-led. The Settlement Agreement does not explicitly call for the investigation to be Indigenous-led, but states that “the parties wish to agree in the spirit of reconciliation on the parameters of an appropriate archeological plan.” 

The initial injunction ruling on October 22, however, did emphasize Indigenous leadership in this investigation. In paragraph 13, the judge cited the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Call to Action 76 which states that “The Aboriginal community most affected shall lead the development of such strategies.” Although this call to action refers to cemeteries of residential schools, the Mothers and Special Interlocutor Kimberly Murray demonstrated the parallels between these two cases. In paragraph 16, it is confirmed that at the time of the October 2022 ruling, McGill didn’t challenge the Mothers’ assertion that “any work to locate missing Indigenous children must be led by Indigenous communities.”

Given that the original injunction called for the investigation to be Indigenous-led, Blouin said that “it was already a big compromise from the part of the Mohawk Mothers, in signing the agreement to say it should be the archaeologists, the experts, making decisions.”

Throughout this case, the Mohawk Mothers have made it clear that they don’t trust McGill and the SQI to carry out a proper investigation of the site. They have continuously raised concerns about possible mishandling of evidence, that McGill hasn’t shared raw data and archival records with them in a timely manner, and have even experienced harassment from a security guard while on the site. McGill’s Media Relations Office previously told the Daily that “information is shared between the parties as stipulated in the Settlement Agreement.” Likewise, Manfredi claims that McGill has “consistently and diligently” met the requirements of the Settlement Agreement.

McGill and the SQI have previously admitted in court that delaying the NVP has significant financial consequences, as every month of delay allegedly adds $2 million to the total cost of the project. Additionally, President Deep Saini has warned that proposed tuition increases by the Quebec government could compromise their ability to fund infrastructure projects.

The parties will meet in the Court of Appeal on January 16 to determine if McGill will be able to proceed with their appeal.

Due to employee absences, neither McGill nor the SQI were able to respond to media requests before the date of publication.

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On November 20, hundreds of people gathered around the George-Étienne Cartier statue in Jeanne-Mance park to mark Transgender Day of Remembrance.

Transgender Day of Remembrance was started by Gwendolyn Ann Smith in 1999 “to highlight the losses we face due to anti-transgender bigotry and violence.” At the recent vigil in Montreal, attendees gathered around the statue holding candles to honour those who lost their lives to transphobia this year before concluding with a march to La Fontaine Park.

The vigil began with trans activist Celeste Trianon, asking attendees to remember those who had been “taken [or] stolen by transphobia.” She read out the several names: Brianna Ghey, a 16-year-old girl murdered in England; Dani Cooper, a 27-year-old poet and activist killed by police in Vancouver; Leelah Alcorn, a 17-year-old girl who committed suicide due to the extreme transphobia she experienced from those around her; Jayden Miller, an 11-year-old stabbed alongside their mother outside of an elementary school in Edmonton; Eden Knight, a 23-year-old women who committed suicide after being forced to return to Saudi Arabia and detransition; and Jesus Ociel Baena, Mexico’s first openly non-binary judge and a trailblazer for queer rights in the country. Finally, Trianon paid tribute to all those other trans lives lost to bigotry who she didn’t mention. After this speech, attendees raised their candles for a moment of silence to honour all of these lives cut short.

After the moment of silence, another speaker stepped up, asking the audience to “remember the progress we made and also those we’ve lost along the way.” They read out messages that community members had written for trans loved ones they’d lost. One of the people mentioned was a trans man named Jacob who took his life due to “social isolation and cancel culture.”

“He was a ray of light in my life and I will never let his light die,” the message read. “I think he would’ve wanted to tell the world to keep their friends close, reach out, [and] don’t leave them alone.”
Next, a representative of Le Front de Lutte Pour un Immobilier Populaire (FLIP) Montreal took to the stage to highlight the difficulties trans people face in housing, such as discrimination and evictions. They also argued that the CAQ’s Bill 31, which allows landlords to block lease transfers, would make the housing market even more inhospitable to trans renters.

The final speaker came from the Queers for Palestine contingent, organized by the organizations P!nk Bloc, Helem MTL, and Mubaadarat. They argued that it’s important to draw attention to the existence of trans Palestinians to “dispel the pinkwashing used as a tool by the genocidal Israeli government.”
“Now, more than ever, it is important to show solidarity with our trans Palestinian siblings,” the speaker said. “It’s really important to mourn our trans comrades everywhere in the world, in Canada just as in Congo, Haiti, and Palestine.”

After the speeches ended, the group marched to La Fontaine Park, staging a die-in on Mont-Royal avenue on the way.

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“We’re very, very happy, because this means we were right,” said Mohawk Mother Kwetiio in an interview with the Daily. “It just needed to happen because there could be irreparable harm if it continues in this manner.”Justice Moore argued that following the disbandment of the expert panel of archaeologists, the Mohawk Mothers were put in the same position as when they appeared in court in 2022. Without the existence of the panel, he argued that the Kahnistensera wouldn’t be appropriately consulted in the investigation and that the findings wouldn’t be communicated to them in a transparent manner. Once reinstated, the panel, composed of an archaeologist chosen by each of the three parties, will analyze the evidence found since July 17 to thoroughly investigate the possibility of unmarked graves.“What’s really important in this judgment is that it shows that because an institution is, legally in the colonial system, the owner of the land, it’s not sufficient for them to lead an investigation on unmarked graves on that land,” said Philippe Blouin, a McGill Anthropology PhD student who worked closely with the Kahnistensera on this case. “It has to be someone else—a third party, independent experts—but it can’t be those suspected to be the perpetrators of a crime.”

The Kahnistensera and their allies remain hopeful that the investigation into potential unmarked graves at the Royal Victoria Hospital will be conducted in a thorough and culturally appropriate manner. However, they anticipate facing hurdles along the way. One concern is that work on the site has not stopped despite the court order.

In an email sent to McGill students, Provost Christopher Manfredi wrote that McGill “will study the decision and its implications more fully in the days to come.” He also explained that “as per the court’s decision, the work at the site may continue.” In section 44 of the ruling, the judge stated that it was not necessary to suspend work at the New Vic until the panel recommended resuming it.

McGill and the SQI are reluctant to delay the excavation work as it may have significant financial consequences for them. They claimed in court that each month of delay increases the cost of the project by $2 million. Nonetheless, the judge ruled that these financial losses do not override McGill and the SQI’s responsibilities under the Settlement Agreement, especially in light of the “irreparable harm” their actions could cause for the Kahnistensera.

Throughout their legal struggle, the Kahnistensera received significant support from McGill students, as well as other Montreal activist groups. When talking to the Daily, another Mohawk Mother, Kahentinetha expressed her gratitude for the solidarity that students showed towards the Kahnistensera. “I would like to tell all your people, your young people at the university, that standing with us takes a lot of courage. I appreciate that very much,” she told the Daily.

The current safeguard order will be in effect until March 1, 2024.

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As Israel continues its bombardment of Palestine, Palestinian activists and allies in Canada have been drawing attention to the role that institutions such as governments and universities can play in either advancing or mitigating the violence in Gaza. Recent protests taking place at McGill and in Montreal have called out the alleged complicity of the Canadian and Quebec governments, as well as the McGill administration, in supporting the ongoing genocide in Gaza. Two of the main demands of these protestors are for the Canadian government to call for an immediate ceasefire and for governments and corporations to stop arming Israel.

So far, Prime Minister Trudeau has not officially called for a ceasefire, as many protestors and Members of Parliament are demanding, but instead a “significant humanitarian pause” to release the hostages in Gaza and relieve the current humanitarian crisis. Canada has provided humanitarian aid to both sides — $10 million to Israel and $50 million to Gaza.

In 2022, Canada exported $21,329,783.93 of military goods and technology to Israel. This number was a cause for concern for many human rights and Palestinian advocacy groups, including the Centre for Justice and Peace in the Middle East (CJPME). CJPME’s Vice-President, Michael Bueckert, wrote in a press release that “Canada must take action now to ensure that Canadian exports are not involved, directly or indirectly, in war crimes or crimes against humanity.” In recent weeks, pro-Palestinian activists have organized demonstrations aimed at shutting down Canadian manufacturing plants of companies selling weapons to Israel.

McGill as well has been accused of “funding apartheid” during recent pro-Palestine demonstrations on campus. Protesters point out the university’s investments in companies operating in Israeli settlements in Palestine which reinforces Israel’s apartheid regime. Although the university may not be directly manufacturing weapons for Israel, they invest in several major arms manufacturers, many of which are known to sell weapons to Israel. The Daily has looked into McGill’s investments in arms manufacturers and attempted to determine its level of involvement with Israel.

McGill’s Investment in Military Companies

As of June 30, 2023, McGill’s endowment is valued at $1,100,913,015 ($166,314,508 in Canadian holdings; $485,082,645 in US holdings; and $449,515,862 in non-North American holdings). According to McGill’s publicly-available list of investments, the university invests in nine of the top 100 largest arms-producing and military services companies in the world (Graph 1). Individual investments over $500,000 add up to $6,923,926 (0.6 per cent of the endowment). Investments under $500,000 do not have a specific amount disclosed.

Several of the companies in which McGill invests have been the subject of direct actions for Palestine in recent weeks. On November 10, activists in Ottawa blocked Lockheed Martin’s manufacturing plant. The American company is the world’s biggest arms producer and boasts that it provides “superior support” for the IDF on its website. It supplies the IDF with both air and ground weapons, notably the F-35 fighter jets, the M270 Multiple Launch Rocket System, and the Hellfire 9X Missile, which was reportedly used in the bombing of Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza. McGill currently invests $515,381 in Lockheed Martin.

In the UK, protests led by trade unions have also targeted BAE Systems, Britain’s largest weapons manufacturer, which provides key parts to build F-35 fighter jets. This company has also applied for export permits to send military goods to Israel as recently as 2020. McGill currently invests under $500,000 in BAE Systems.

Aerospace corporation Airbus has also applied for export permits to Israel as recently as 2019. Airbus also partnered with the company Israeli Aerospace Industries (IAI) to develop the Heron TP drones, which Israel is currently using in its attack on Gaza. McGill invests $1,547,013 in Airbus. Mitsubishi, in which McGill invests under $500,000, has also worked with IAI to research unmanned surveillance airplanes used in attacks on Gaza.

Thales, another UK-based company, has worked with the Israeli company Elbit Systems to develop the “Watchkeeper” drone, supported by both the British and Israeli governments. It was based on Elbit Systems’s Hermes drones, which have been extensively used against Palestinians. In May, activists from Palestine Action blockaded the Elbit Systems factory in Leicester, UK, to prevent the company from supplying arms to Israel. McGill doesn’t invest directly in Elbit Systems but invests $1,608,930 in Thales.

French company Safran supplied biometric technology to the Israeli Police Force operating in the West Bank in 2013. The Daily was unable to find precise information to determine whether the company has continued to sell weapons to Israel since then. McGill currently invests $1,507,748 in Safran.

Another French company, Dassault Aviation Group, designed a ballistic missile for Israel, the MD 620 Jericho, in the early 1960s. Yet, in 1967, France imposed a weapons embargo on Israel in condemnation of the Six-Day War, which led Dassault to abandon the project. However, the company celebrates the “success” of its technology during the Six-Day War, which “created an explosion in demand for Dassault fighters.” McGill invests $1,744,864 in Dassault, the highest of any company on the list.

The shipbuilding company Huntington Ingalls builds the Sa’ar 5 class warships for the Israeli Navy. It is also a spin-off of Northrop Grumman, a company that is heavily involved in supplying Israel with weapons such as missiles, a radar system for attack helicopters, and components used by Lockheed Martin and Elbit Systems. McGill does not currently invest in Northrop Grumman but invests under $500,000 in Huntington Ingalls.

US-based company Textron provided aircrafts and attack helicopters to the Israeli Air Force, some of which Human Rights Watch has documented as being involved in civilian attacks. McGill invests under $500,000 in Textron. Pro-Palestine activists have organized several protests in front of Textron’s headquarters in Providence, Rhode Island.

The Daily couldn’t find any precise evidence of Moog and Science Applications International’s products being used by the Israeli military. McGill invests under $500,000 in each company.

Investments Targeted by the BDS Campaign

Investments in arms companies supplying military goods to Israel isn’t the only way that McGill financially supports the occupation of Palestine. The university’s investments also include companies that operate in occupied Palestinian land and companies manufacturing weapons, such as Elbit Systems.

In light of the current escalation of Israeli violence in Gaza, the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign has compiled a list of targeted boycotts, focusing on a smaller number of companies with clear links to Israel’s human rights abuses for maximum impact.

McGill currently invests in four companies on this list: Volvo (<$500,000), AXA (<$500,000), Hewlett Packard Inc. (<$500,000), and Chevron ($1,457,494) (Graph 2). Volvo sells equipment to the Israeli Ministry of Defence that has been used in the demolition of Palestinian villages in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Its subsidiary Merkavin provides buses to the Israeli Prison Service that are used to transport Palestinian prisoners. French insurance company AXA is on the list due to its investment in Israeli banks. Hewlett Packard Inc. provides technology services to Israel’s population registry as well as the Israeli police, the Israel Prison Service, and the Israeli Biometric database. Finally, Chevron operates several natural gas extraction projects off the coast of Israel and Gaza. Noble Energy, a company owned by Chevron, participates in Israel’s naval blockade of Gaza, designed to cut off Palestinians’ access to natural resources.

Movement for Divestment from Israeli Apartheid at McGill

Concern over McGill’s involvement in the arms trade or Israeli apartheid is nothing new. Since the 1980s, student groups have been advocating to end military research at McGill, most recently through the Students for Peace and Disarmament campaign. The website mcgillinvests.in, last updated in November 2021, provides data about McGill’s investments in the military, oil and gas, mining and extraction, alternative energy, and Palestine occupation sectors. The Divest For Human Rights campaign called on the university to divest from all companies complicit in acts such as “settler-colonial land theft, environmental destruction, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide around the world.” This campaign led SSMU to adopt the Divest For Human Rights Policy in 2021.

The campaign for the SSMU Policy Against Genocide in Palestine also released a spreadsheet detailing McGill’s investments in companies profiting from Israeli war crimes in Palestine. SSMU members had the chance to vote on this policy, which demands that the university divest from these companies, from November 14 to 20.

Anyone interested in determining a company or government’s involvement in the arms trade or the Israeli occupation of Palestine can consult databases such as whoprofits.org, investigate.afsc.org, and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

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McGill plans to develop the Royal Vic site into a new research and teaching facility, known as the New Vic Project. However, last year, the Mohawk Mothers entered a legal battle with McGill, fighting for an archaeological examination of the site to find potential burial sites from the MK-Ultra experiments conducted by the CIA and McGill  in the 1950s and 60s at the site. After winning their case, archaeological work began last April as part of a Settlement Agreement that was reached between the Mohawk Mothers, McGill, and the SQI.

Tensions between the Mohawk Mothers and the parties involved in the construction at the Royal Vic site have continued to rise since the start of archaeological work. The Mohawk Mothers have condemned the actions taken by McGill and the SQI at the site, as the archaeological work is not Indigenous-led. In August, archeological work was halted due to a security incident involving one of the cultural monitors and a security guard.

More recently, the Mohawk Mothers filed an emergency court order for construction at the site to be suspended, claiming that McGill and the SQI had been breaching the Settlement Agreement. The hearing took place on September 14 and revolved around the issue of “mapping” and a disregard for archeological techniques by  McGill and the SQI. As part of the Settlement Agreement, an independent archaeologist panel was erected to ensure the proper archaeological techniques employed at the site, specific to the mapped-out zones. However, after McGill claimed that the initial stage of the  archeological investigation had been completed in September, they disbanded the independent panel.

Diane, a member of a solidarity group, told the Daily in an interview: “[the disbandment] was a unilateral decision by McGill. That’s always the way it works, although, paragraphs 1 and 16 of the injunction state that this investigation should be Kahnistensera and MK-Ultra survivor-led.” Without the archaeological panel in place, McGill and the SQI reserved the rights to interpret excavation results. “McGill is refusing to share the Ground-penetrating radar (GPR) data with the Mohawk Mothers as well as the archaeological panel while they were active,” said Diane.

The McGill Media Relations Office (MRO) told the Daily that “information is shared between the parties as stipulated in the Settlement Agreement.”

During the September 14 hearing, McGill and the SQI told the court to dismiss the request for  construction to be halted; the groups stated that the agreement had been followed and construction was occuring in an area where no burial sites are likely to be found. The judge did not grant the Mohawk Mothers their requested emergency injunction.

Another focal point in the alleged breach of the Settlement Agreement surrounds the removal and transportation of soil to a private site for inspection. In an October 12 press conference attended by the Daily, Mohawk Mother Kwetiio said that she felt “totally betrayed” by McGill and the SQI’s handling of this process. She argued that  if any evidence were to be uncovered, moving these piles instead of examining them on the site would allow McGill to escape accountability. Nevertheless, the Daily observed the piles being removed later that week. The MRO confirmed to the Daily that the piles had been moved at the request of the archaeologists on October 3 and “was placed in a secure perimeter to allow the archeologists to sift through it.” The MRO claimed that the Mothers were informed of this on October 3.

Kwetiio claimed that anomalies in priority zone 11 had not been adequately investigated. Three different teams of historic human remains detection dogs (HHRDD) detected possible human remains in that zone, and detections made by HHRDD are about 95 per cen accurate, reaching up to 15 feet. Kwettio additionally expressed frustration that the Mohawk Mothers were prohibited from investigating the interiors of buildings within the 10 meter radius of where the HHRDD detected possible remains.

“We inquired many times if these dogs can smell through [buildings] and they said yes, there’s a pipe leading from inside to outside of the building and yet we still do not know where those three different teams of dogs detected [human remains],” she explained. According to Kwetiio, the reason given for not allowing the Mothers to investigate inside the building was a risk of asbestos.

Diane elaborated on the construction happening inside the building in the interview with the Daily. “The Kahnistensera witnessed construction workers inside this building –  right where they’re fighting to have access. The workers were demolishing something, and when the Kahnistensera were worried, of course, they asked, ‘what are you doing?’  [The workers] refused to say anything.”

The Mothers are not the only ones upset with how McGill has been handling this case. Special Interlocutor Kimberly Murray, one of Canada’s leading experts on unmarked graves associated with residential schools, told The Eastern Door that “everything they do is a misstep, and is not good for reconciliation, and is not Indigenous led.” Like the Mohawk Mothers, she decried McGill’s lack of transparency as well as a disrespect for her office.

At the Quebec Superior Court on October 27, the Mohawk Mothers will detail breaches of the Settlement Agreement made by McGill and the SQI. At the end of the interview with the Daily, Diane said: “We’re calling all supporters, all citizens who are sensitive to this kind of struggle to show support to the Kahnistensera in front of the court.”

Names in this article have been changed to protect the anonymity of sources.

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Pedri-Spade is Ojibwe from the Lac des Mille Lacs First Nation in northwestern Ontario. She is a visual anthropologist and artist, having pursued art thanks to her mother, a well-known regalia-maker. She began her academic career at Laurentian University, directing the Maamwizing Indigenous Research Institute, and was a Queen’s University National Scholar in Indigenous Studies before arriving at McGill. 

Pedri-Spade explained that the role of the OII is to “champion the 52 calls to action and work with different academic leaders and administrative leaders to ensure that we’re all working in that same direction.” For her first year as Provost, Pedri-Spade has been working on developing a team structure and familiarizing herself with actors in the McGill community who should be accountable to the calls to action. 

“It’s really been about team building and getting to know one another, and really starting to unpack and organize ourselves according to respective portfolios,” she explained.

She has hired or promoted several Indigenous staff to form part of her team namely: Thomasina Phillips, Associate Director of Indigenous Student Success; Matthew Coutu-Moya, manager of the First Peoples House; Ann Deer, Associate Director of Indigenous Initiatives; and Aneeka Anderson, Indigenous Initiatives Associate. She has also been working with colleagues from universities that already have an established Office of Indigenous Initiatives to develop a plan for McGill’s. Many Ontario universities such as Western, Queen’s, and the University of Toronto already have this service.

Indigenous Awareness Week

As this conversation took place at the beginning of Indigenous Awareness Week, Pedri-Spade discussed her team’s role in bringing this event to life. It’s mainly coordinated by Deer and the events are open to everyone, from students to community members. She invites anyone interested to take part in the events.

“It’s a good entryway, I think, to learning more about Indigenous scholarship, different kinds of teachings that are delivered, maybe from a land based perspective,” said Pedri-Spade.

She added that they made an effort to include a diversity of Indigenous perspectives: “We’re different according to our nations, according to our gender, our race,” she explained. “And we’re really mindful of that.”

There are a wide variety of workshops and events being offered for Indigenous Awareness week. The week opened with a keynote speech from Anishinaabe author Waubgeshig Rice, one of Pedri-Spade’s colleagues. There were several panels, including one on Centering Indigenous Voices in Healthcare which she was particularly excited about, as it was led by new Indigenous women faculty members. There were also more practical events, such as a Rabbit Harvesting and Fish Skin Making workshop, and a film screening about education in Nunavik. Finally, there will be a comedy night exploring Indigenous knowledge through humour.

“It’s nice for the Indigenous community here who often have these very technical or intense topic-focused sessions […] to come together around other forms of Indigenous expression and knowledge that are about making us laugh,” said Pedri-Spade.

Indigenous Student Recruitment

The first 17 of the 52 Calls to Action concern student recruitment and retention, and this is also one of Pedri-Spade’s priorities. She says that the OII has been working on a needs assessment with the Indigenous student community over the past year, resulting in the creation of a position for an Indigenous mental health counsellor within the First Peoples House. 

“What I have witnessed in the last ten years is that Indigenous students are really calling upon institutions to think differently about the way in which we deliver programs, in this sense, in ways that are very respectful and complementary to Indigenous sovereignty over education and what’s happening within their communities,” she said.

Additionally, the OII is working with local Indigenous communities to develop special pathways for Indigenous students to attend McGill. Pedri-Spade said that they’re “in the process of establishing faculty-specific admission pathways and retention programs to help support increased enrollment.” One of their key partnerships is with John Abbott College, which has a high percentage of Indigenous students, although this partnership is still in the early stages. Additionally, McGill now provides upwards of $5000 in awards to any Indigenous undergraduate student who has exceptional grades and doesn’t receive an entrance scholarship. 

The OII is also considering establishing articulation agreements with colleges that have high percentages of Indigenous students already attending. These agreements would mean that Indigenous students would be able to enter university education with advanced standing from their previous college courses. Pedri-Spade added that having formalized arrangements where graduates of certain college programs are guaranteed a spot at a university have historically worked well for Indigenous students in other provinces, like Ontario.

She said that it’s important to work in partnership with local communities because initiatives that look good on paper may have unintended consequences. Pedri-Spade gave the example of tuition waivers, which would remove tuition fees for Indigenous students. She claims that this might impact the funding allotted to Indigenous nations by the federal government for post-secondary expenses. To avoid this, the OII may instead provide financial support through stipends or awards of equal value.

Pedri-Spade additionally suggests that universities should consider how they can deliver education in a way that is conscious of the reality many Indigenous students experience today by offering more flexibility in when and where they undertake their studies. For example, this could be done through offering more cohort-based learning and intensive models, which may be more accommodating  for students who have to balance studies with a full-time job. 

“I worked full time when I went back and I did my master’s degree,” Pedri-Spade explained. “I was lucky that I could find a program where it was cohort based and it was intensive learning.” This arrangement also allowed her to spend more time in her home community while studying. She is also looking into ways that universities can deliver education to Indigenous students in their home communities. 

“A lot of students don’t appreciate the city as much as people who are born and raised in a city,” Pedri-Spade explained. “It’s a very different environment. They want to be at home on the land. They want to be participating in their traditional land activities. They can’t do that here.”

Finally, Pedri-Spade spoke about the importance of mentorship, which is why the OII is currently developing an official Indigenous Alumni Association. She believes that Indigenous Alumni offer an important perspective when shaping the OII’s priorities and supporting current students.

“They can tell us about what they would have liked to have seen as a student as part of the student community, [and] could be really important connections [for current students] as they proceed through their education here, but then beyond that as they’re thinking about future education,” she explained.

Indigenous Studies Course Offerings

When questioned as to why only two Indigenous studies courses (INDG 200 and 420) were being offered this semester and asked what the university is doing to increase its Indigenous curricula, Pedri-Spade responded that there were many courses on Indigenous topics outside of the Indigenous studies minor program. In order to increase this offering, she emphasized the importance of hiring First Nation and Inuit scholars.

“They not only speak from their nationhood, but they speak from their own lived experience and positionality,” she explained. “My office has been really active in saying ‘okay, well, if we want to do this, we actually have to build capacity for having Indigenous faculty members.’”

As part of creating a welcoming environment for Indigenous faculty, the OII hosts a Welcome Ceremony to invite new staff into the university. This year, on October 23, she’ll be welcoming ten new Indigenous faculty members, all who she says are offering Indigenous courses.

She’s especially excited that the Schulich School of Music, which had previously never had an Indigenous faculty member, will now have three. One of the new faculty, Rob Spade, will be teaching a class on Ojibwe song and drum. Janine Metallic, previously the only Indigenous member of the Faculty of Education, will now be joined by three Indigenous colleagues. Dr. Amy Shawanda from the department of Family Medicine will be teaching a course on Indigenous health perspectives, and helping the department to integrate these perspectives into their curriculum.

For other faculty members looking to incorporate Indigenous perspectives into their courses, the OII offers a service called ‘tea with Geraldine.’ Through this service, lecturers can meet with Geraldine King, Senior Advisor, Indigenous Curriculum and Pedagogy, and discuss ways in which they can ‘Indigenize’ their teaching.

The New Vic Case

When asked about the OII’s role in McGill’s New Vic project, which has caused significant tension between McGill and the Mohawk Mothers, Pedri-Spade said that she and her team were responsible for ensuring that McGill is working within the terms of the settlement agreement; They are also supporting relationship-building with Kanien’kehá:ka stakeholders.

In relation to this, Pedri-Spade explained that she is trying to build an Indigenous Advisory Council for McGill. She said that they’re approaching this project as “striking a steering committee,” all while being mindful to not replace existing Indigenous governance structures in different parts of the university. The OII will be inviting representatives from these existing units alongside community representatives from Indigenous nations to come together to develop the terms of reference to define how this council will operate in relation to existing governance structures. They have currently enlisted the help of First Peoples Group, an Indigenous-led consulting firm, and Dr. Gerald Taiaiake Alfred to make this project a reality.

Pedri-Spade recommends that students who are concerned about the way in which McGill is handling this project should address their concerns to the Indigenous Affairs Commissioner at SSMU. Additionally, she encouraged students to work to build relationships with Indigenous students whose land they’re on.

“I think we often live and work in Tiohtià:ke, in Montreal, in the city,” she said. “I always encourage students, if they’re Indigenous or not, to go into the community, go to Kahnawake, and build those relationships and listen and learn.”

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“‘No More Free Hours’ is about TAs committing to not working for free, banding together to support each other, and saying that we’re simply not going to let McGill commit wage theft anymore,” explained Emma McKay, AGSEM’s Chief Delegate Mobilization.

When TAs enter into a contract with the university, they’re paid to work a certain number of hours, which varies by department. However, McKay told the Daily that TAs often have to work more hours to complete all the work assigned to them. They say that in the most recent data they have, almost half of TAs worked over their allotted hours, with most not receiving extra compensation.

“The way that this happens is that they’ve been shortening and shortening the contract hours of TAs,” said McKay. “And there’s a culture that expects TAs to simply get the job done.” 

As part of the campaign, AGSEM encourages TAs to track their hours properly and review their workload with their supervisor throughout the term. Per the collective agreement, it is mandatory for supervisors to meet with TAs and fill out a workload form during the semester, yet many supervisors may not be aware of this requirement. If a TA is working longer than their allotted hours, the department must provide them with additional funding as compensation. McKay said that many departments have told AGSEM that their hands are tied when it comes to providing additional hours.

The loss of these wages has significant effects on TAs, many of whom are in financially precarious situations. A January 2023 report by the McGill Graduate Association of Physics Students showed that many of their members, of which 92.5 per cent work as TAs, are unable to save money, feel as if they are not living in dignity, and in some cases, are experiencing food insecurity. McKay added that AGSEM had seen similar trends among its members, such as having difficulty affording food, rent, or medical care because they don’t make enough money.

August 30 also marked the beginning of AGSEM’s bargaining period with the university to draft a new collective agreement, as their previous one expired in July. The union is currently waiting for a response from McGill to start negotiations, and expects to be at the table by mid-fall. Some of the bargaining priorities include higher wages, health insurance and trans-specific healthcare, and improved protection from sexual violence in the workplace.

The McGill Media Relations Office told the Daily that the university “will not make any comments regarding upcoming discussions and will let the negotiation process run its course.”

This campaign is a ‘work-to-rule’ action, meaning that by participating, TAs will not be breaking any laws. They will be exercising the rights that they have under Quebec labour law, but that are allegedly not being enforced. If McGill were to demand that TAs work more hours, McKay argues that they would be the ones breaking the law.

“When TAs have worked their entire hours and McGill demands that they work for more, they will be publicly admitting that their course delivery depends on wage theft,” they explained. 

They say that the effects on course delivery may be quite pronounced in some departments, especially those where TAs are expected to do significantly more work than they’re paid for. In these cases, the TAs may stop working well before the end of the semester.

“Our intent, of course, is not to interrupt education,” said McKay. “The fact is that we want to provide a better education. We want to preserve our own quality of life, be able to buy groceries, pay rent, and deliver the education that undergrads and graduate students deserve.”

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