Under the administration of Francois Legault and the Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ), the provincial parliament passed Bill 96 in June 2022. The bill is meant to solidify Francophone and French language rights province-wide. It has received heavy criticism following its release due to its treatment of business regulation in French, the freeze on English CEGEP students, and the six month window for immigrants to learn the French language.

Although this bill has been in effect for an extended period, this is one of the PLQ’s first clear proposals to combat it. They seek to implement a Quebec constitution that protects English language rights across the province and fights back against certain Bill 96 restrictions. This was seen as progress for the many families and lives affected by this change in the language laws. Following Bill 96’s enactment, anglophone citizens across Quebec have been concerned about how they might fit into a province that does not want them to speak their first language.

Many English-speaking immigrants find the transition between beginner’s French and French fluency difficult, especially within six months. Between 2022 and 2023, the province saw an increase of 52,800 immigrants, all of whom would be required to obtain an intermediate level of French, potentially coming with no experience in the language. Furthermore, the freeze on English CEGEP programs puts Anglophone middle and high schoolers in situations where they cannot begin their education with the CEGEP program due to their lack of fluency in French.

Many businesses have also been concerned about closure since they cannot keep up with the French advertising and sign laws. Places such as music stores across Quebec have struggled to find French branding for their instruments, which could result in heavy fines for businesses.

Many members of the PLQ were unhappy with the bill’s passing. Deepak Awasti, who is currently running to be the head of the PLQ in the upcoming election, criticized Bill 96, stating, “We seem to be going back to the old founding nations thesis. In this document, we are talking about the aspirations of the French nation vis-à-vis Canada. We are not talking about the aspirations of all Quebecers. […] I don’t want Quebec to be ethnicized. I don’t want Quebec to become the petit-Québec.”

People across the province are concerned about the passing of this bill, and the PLQ have had to hastily construct a response to it. Current PLQ members, including André Pratt and William Tetley, proposed and passed a motion to create a clearly outlined Quebec constitution. This proposed constitution would strengthen Anglophone rights by restoring certain restrictions put in place by Bill 96, such as access to healthcare in English or the previously mentioned English student CEGEP freeze across the province.

Amidst all this action, the PLQ is in the process of electing its new leader while discussing how to combat these laws and strengthen Francophone and Anglophone relations. The province is not due for another election until October 2026, and it is unlikely that the current CAQ will call for one. In light of the upcoming federal election in October 2025, we are seeing an increased effort by the PLQ to distance themselves from the currently unfavoured federal Liberal Party, which across Canada has not been viewed well due to their handling of the housing crisis and large country deficit – a price deficit that is also present in Quebec at currently around $11 billion. Pablo Rodriguez, a former Federal Liberal member of parliament who stepped down to run for the leader of the PLQ, gained strides in support during the debate in Lévis, with people chanting his name as he arrived outside. Rodriguez has also faced criticism from other party members, who say they do not want any Federal Liberals to have significant power in the PLQ due to Canada’s current national debt.

Many people across Quebec feel uncertain about how Anglophone rights will change with Bill 96. The Daily had the chance to interview an international student at McGill, who said that “the amount of French language laws and regulations was previously a deterrent on coming to Quebec for me. If, further down the line, even more language requirements came into effect, it would’ve affected my decision to even come here at all.” To many people, Quebec is their home and one they want to keep for the future. If this constitution is passed, it could make strides for Anglophone rights across the province, uniting people who both want to see the French language stay alive and those who want to come here not knowing but wanting to learn the language and make Quebec their home. The basis of this constitution is not to diminish Francophone rights across the province but instead to find harmony between the English and French languages and determine their use in everyday situations. A province does not have to exist in the context of one language or another, and this constitution would fight to make it so that both Anglophones and Francophones feel at home
in Quebec.

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The four countries accuse the Taliban authorities of “gross and systemic” violations of women’s rights under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), adopted in 1979 and signed by Afghanistan in 2003.

Since its return to power in August 2021, the Taliban has shocked the world with the implementation of the law on “virtue and vice,” which aims at completely erasing women from the public sphere. Enforced by the “morality police,” this law includes restrictions such as:

• barring women from accessing secondary and university education;
• prohibiting women from travelling more than 72 kilometres without a male relative;
• prohibiting women from participating in sports and from entering public areas like parks;
• barring women from raising their voices in public and from looking at men other than their husbands or relatives.

Since the Taliban authorities seized power, it has been reported that nearly 60,000 women-owned businesses were negatively impacted by these restrictions. Amnesty International reports that, in a matter of two months (between June and July 2023), nearly 4,500 women were dismissed from jobs in education.Numerous UN agencies have also reported a sobering surge in forced marriages, child marriages, gender violence, and femicide.

As a result of these accusations, and the aforementioned restrictions, Afghanistan under the Taliban is considered to be the most restrictive regime in its treatment of women. If the hearing proceeds, this will be the first time in history that a country is taken to the ICJ for its violations of CEDAW and will therefore make a solid legal precedent in international law regarding gender prosecution.

The decision to take the Taliban authorities to court comes at a time when many Afghan women and activists feel that the world has forgotten about their struggle due to the international community’s silence on the issue. Living under such restrictive regulations, women do what they can to resist. Some women hold secret classes, while others participate in public campaigns where they share their singing on social media platforms as a protest against recent prohibitions from speaking in public. Some groups continue trying to attract the world’s attention through interviews and activism abroad.
According to the rules of the international court, once the plea is submitted against a party, there is a waiting period of six months in order for both parties to solve their issue without court interference. If this goes unanswered, the case proceeds before the ICJ. While the ICJ is a powerful international body, the rulings of which are legally binding for member-states, it lacks the means to actually enforce its decisions.

The decision to take the Taliban to court has been applauded around the world. In fact, 22 countries have issued a joint statement condemning the Taliban’s violations of the CEDAW: “We […] condemn the gross and systematic human rights violations and abuses in Afghanistan, particularly the gender-based discrimination against women and girls.” But what can this proceeding actually do to help Afghan women in their struggle against this “gender apartheid?”

The Taliban authorities can, in theory, simply ignore the proceeding. However, the Taliban has long been seeking international recognition, which has not been granted. Thus, being taken to court for human rights violations might put a higher price on the Taliban’s practices by inciting other countries to adopt unfavourable diplomatic attitudes towards the regime through sanctions such as maintaining travel bans for members of the Taliban regime, keeping the assets of the Afghanistan Central Bank frozen, limiting corporate cooperation with other countries thus disrupting the production chain of certain goods, and so on.

Some speculate that the recent increase in restrictions issued by the Taliban is actually a strategic play used by the authorities to bargain in negotiations with other states, possibly within the context of the international court proceedings.

The decision to take the Taliban to ICJ marks a significant shift in the way the international community reacts to such blatant human rights violations and gender-based discrimination. By taking risks that can cost them their freedom or even life, the brave Afghan women have brought the issue to the fore of international attention and have initiated tangible legal actions to challenge the wrongs they face.

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This guide is the product of a two-year collaboration between the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and Equal Rights Trust, with their joint OHCHR Technical Anti-Discrimination Law Development Mission to address Costa Rica. Written by experts Claude Cahn (OHCHR), Jim Fitzgerald (Director, Equal Rights Trust), and UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief, Nazila Ghanea, the guide focuses on establishing international standards for legislation on equality. It offers clear, actionable steps for lawmakers and human rights defenders alike to draft and enforce more comprehensive anti-discrimination policies.

The origins of globally comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation can be traced back to post-World War II efforts, most notably the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948. While not legally binding, the UDHR was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly and represents a global commitment to human rights, influencing national and international law worldwide. Article 2 of the Declaration explicitly prohibits discrimination on several grounds, laying the foundation for national and regional efforts to codify protections; and though its principles are universal, countries are encouraged to incorporate these protections into their legal systems. For instance, the 2000 Equality Directive in the European Union and South Africa’s Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act of 2000 stand as key examples of national responses that have furthered the principles laid out in the UN’s new Anti-Discrimination legislation and guideline.

The release of the OHCHR’s Guide comes at a time when discrimination and inequality remain pervasive in many regions of the world. While several countries, such as Canada, known for its progressive LGBTQ+ rights; Argentina, which has advanced gender equality and same-sex marriage; and Portugal, recognized for its comprehensive anti-discrimination laws, have made strides in enacting equality laws, many others are still struggling to protect minorities and marginalized groups from both incidental and systemic discrimination. The guide provides detailed insights into these challenges, offering best practices from countries that have successfully implemented comprehensive legal frameworks.

The release of the guide also comes amid a wave of recent anti-discrimination initiatives across the globe. In early 2024, Germany passed its first comprehensive federal law addressing discrimination in the workplace, specifically aimed at preventing bias against women, LGBTQ+ individuals, and people with disabilities. Similarly, Chile’s parliament is currently debating new legislation to address racial and indigenous discrimination, while Canada has seen renewed discussions on tightening existing anti-discrimination laws as part of an ongoing review of its Human Rights Act.

However, despite these developments, many countries face significant obstacles in enforcing these laws. For instance, in the U.S., enforcement of anti-discrimination protections has come under scrutiny from those who see the issue as an extension of the political division throughout the country, leading to many states rolling back protection for transgender individuals in schools and workplaces. Similarly, South Africa, while having one of the most progressive sets of equality laws, continues to grapple with enforcement issues, especially in rural areas where access to justice can be limited.

According to its authors, the guide is “an essential tool for policymakers working to dismantle discriminatory systems that disproportionately impact vulnerable communities.” They highlight how the guide examines international legal standards to provide practical examples of legislation from around the world, helping governments adapt and tailor anti-discrimination laws to their specific populations.

The guide also outlines several key principles essential for creating effective anti-discrimination laws, including prohibitions against direct and indirect discrimination, harassment, and victimization. It emphasizes the need for reasonable accommodation for individuals with disabilities and other protected groups, aiming to ensure their equal participation in public life without undue burden. It further draws attention to the importance of enforcement mechanisms, encouraging the creation of independent bodies to investigate complaints and impose sanctions on discriminatory practices. The authors pointed out that “strong enforcement is critical to ensuring that anti-discrimination laws are not just symbolic but result in real-world change.”

Ultimately, this guide stresses the importance of international cooperation in combating discrimination. Collaboration between governments, civil society organizations, and international bodies is essential to sharing knowledge and addressing the cross-border pervasion of inequality. It also points out that despite the progress made, the journey toward global legislative equality is far from over, with many legal frameworks still lacking sufficient scope or mechanisms for enforcement. With the global rise of radically conservative movements and increasing polarization, the contribution to comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation is more urgent than perhaps ever before.

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Numbers and events may have changed between the time of writing and the publishing of the article

It has been one year since Hamas launched Israel’s deadliest terrorist attack, killing over 1200 Israelis and taking more than 250 hostages. The immediate Israeli military response has since devastated the Gaza Strip, displacing around 90 per cent of its population, and killing 41,788 Palestinians, according to Gaza’s health authorities. Israel has also continuously been putting pressure on neighboring countries. In the past weeks, the Israeli army has pursued increasingly violent attacks on Lebanon, severely weakening Hezbollah’s leadership, prompting Iran to retaliate with a large-scale missile strike against Israel. Meanwhile international organizations have proved incapable of bringing an end to the violence.

Despite multiple international calls for de-escalation and investigations into Israeli war crimes, Israel has continued to navigate multiple military fronts. In the past weeks, it has continued its relentless bombing of the Gaza Strip while also targeting Yemen, Syria, Iran and Lebanon. For the past three weeks, Israel has bombarded Lebanon with airstrikes, killing over 2000 people while injuring nearly 7500 others. In addition to their aerial attacks, Israel announced its decision to begin “ground operations” in Southern Lebanon, reminiscent of their invasion four decades ago. While the Israeli government’s stated goal has been to take down Hezbollah’s structural organization, calling this a “limited, localized and targeted” operation. But the reality on the ground is far from this as shown by the growing number of civilian deaths.

The tensions between the Iranian-backed Hezbollah and Israel are decades old. The militant group Hezbollah was founded in 1982, after Israel seized Lebanon, creating a humanitarian crisis in the southern part of the country. Israel has been targeting Hezbollah leadership in hopes of dismantling the organization, launching one of the most intense aerial campaigns in the Middle East within the past two decades, as Airwars, a nonprofit that monitors military conflicts on Islamic states, reported. Following Iran’s missile strike against Israel, Iranian spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani, said that they are not seeking a broader regional war. However, as tensions increase between Israel, Lebanon, and Iran, hopes for de-escalation are slim.

As Israel pursued its systematic attacks on Gaza, with disregard for civilian victims and the urgent calls for humanitarian aid, the government increasingly faced criticism from its citizens and grew more and more isolated from the international community. Over the course of the year, thousands protested across Israel calling for Prime Minister Netanyahu’s resignation, and for a cease-fire allowing hostages to return home safely. From the perspective of many of these protesters, Israel’s image as a regional superpower was damaged following the October 7 attacks and their failure to safely return all the hostages. However, since the pager attacks in Lebanon, the current seems to have changed. Recent polls show that Netanyahu’s far right coalition party, Likud, is steadily recovering. The series of successful targeted attacks on leaders of Hezbollah boosted a renewed support for the offensive warfare and created a rally round- the-flag effect in favour of Netanyahu’s government.

For the past year, international organizations and world leaders have been faced with the fact that stability will not be reached unless a solution responding to both Palestinian and Israeli national aspirations is reached. Today, a negotiated settlement seems more distant than ever.

There are several reasons why ceasefire deals and talks for consensual agreements have fallen through. Democratic countries such as the US and Israel “are essential for promoting the rule of law…and for ensuring public trust in democratic systems of governance,” the UN announced in a statement. However, Israel’s impunity from its crimes against Gaza, as well as the US and Israel’s threats of retaliation against ICC and ICJ have demonstrated their lack of intention to end the war and protect human rights. Furthermore, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu continues to launch military bombardment across Gaza, despite there being no real progress in achieving a ceasefire deal.

International structures designed to maintain international peace and security have consistently failed to effectively carry out resolutions. United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres released a statement with Al Jazeera on the failures of the Security Council to bring about political change in the region. He believes that the Security Council’s mechanisms at resolving conflict are outdated, referencing the permanent members’ veto powers and the severe obstacles it poses for action. Furthermore, if the Security Council cannot tackle the humanitarian crises that it was designed to, it hinders other UN agencies, such as the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) from completing their tasks. With the recent developments regarding Israel’s shifted focus on Lebanon and Iran, UN experts admitted that “the ballooning violence adds immensely to the instability and the ongoing suffering of civilians in the wider region, including in Palestine.”

Previous peace frameworks, such as the Oslo Accords in 1993, have been unsuccessful at mitigating tensions between Palestinian self-determination and Israel’s desire for domination. For years after the failure of the Accords became evident, the United States and other major powers took a back-seat role in possible negotiations between Palestine and Israel, allowing these tensions to worsen.

What comes next? After one year, the conflict shows no signs of ending. It seems that with US continued support of Israel, refusing to restrict its weapons shipments, alongside Hezbollah’s commitment to continue attacks on Israel until a Gaza ceasefire is achieved; and the ongoing collapse of ceasefire negotiations in Gaza the situation won’t change.

This has also been a year of student uprisings, protests and counter protests. Students in Montreal have been relentlessly organizing marches and protest in solidarity with Gaza and now Lebanon, continuing to call upon the government and university administrations to divest from Israel and recognize the ongoing genocide. Additionally, the Palestinian Youth Movement, alongside other student led organizations held marches commemorating “One Year of Genocide, One Year of Resistance” from October 5 to 7.

On October 5 the Palestinian Youth Movement called for an International Day of Action. Thousands of people marched in over 50 cities across the US and Canada to mark one year of mobilization and solidarity with the people of Palestine and Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and all those victims of Israel’s violent attacks. Here in Montreal thousands met on Place des Arts. Students and Professors from McGill, Concordia and other institutions joined the rally to the rhythm of drums and slogans. Amongst the speakers was activist Katsi’tsakwas Ellen Gabriel. She spoke out to the crowd, denouncing the genocide, celebrating the strength of students and others to stand together, and reaffirming the shared struggle of Indigenous peoples and Palestinians against colonial oppression and occupation. “We see, as Indigenous people, commonalities between our struggles. We know what genocide is like. Our people united, our people are strong in standing with Palestine” she said. For hours, the steps and slogans resonated through the streets of downtown until Atwater, reminding the world that “the people united will never be defeated”

As a response to the different calls to mobilize McGill and Concordia have decided to restrict access to their campuses. At the time of writing, it has been communicated with students that access to the downtown campus until October 7 will require a McGill ID or a permission letter for visitors to enter. They justified these measures to “prioritize the stable continuation of critical academic activities at a time when there is an elevated potential for disruption” even if there have been no threats to physical safety.

Students at McGill and in the Montreal community at large have displayed their solidarity with the Lebanese people. On October 1, Students for Palestine’s Honour and Resistance (SPHR) McGill and Concordia alongside other student-led groups held a vigil for Lebanon on the campus lower field. Speakers were students from McGill and Concordia, and professor Michelle Hartman reading out a poem written by professor Rula Abisaab. Around 100 students gathered, with candles and Palestinian flags being held next to Lebanese ones. Speakers later condemned the systematic violence carried out against Lebanese people and the genocide in Gaza, while praising the power of resistance and the sustained need for solidarity and collective actions.

A member of Montreal’s Lebanese community has shared their perspective on issues ensuing back home. “As a Lebanese student living in Canada, I can share that many of us are deeply concerned about the ongoing threat in southern Lebanon, even though we’re miles away,” said Sarah Tehini, a U1 Computer Engineering student at McGill. “The situation with Israel is something we’ve grown up hearing about, but now it feelslike things could escalate at any moment.” She expressed concerns about the future state of Lebanon if Israel proceeds with its current military tactics. “We worry about being able to visit home, or if there will even be a ‘home’ to return to. There’s this overwhelming sense of uncertainty about whether Lebanon will ever find stability again, and it’s heartbreaking,” she said on behalf of herself and other Lebanese students in her community.

In light of Tehini’s worries, she still believes there is room for hope. “Despite everything, the resilience of the Lebanese people keeps us hopeful. No matter how much we’ve been through, our love for our country keeps us holding on to hope for a better future,” she concluded.

The post An Analysis of Israel’s Actions Since October 7 appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Study permit caps will be distributed on a provincial level, weighted by population size. This means that provinces with a higher proportion of international students, such as Quebec, will experience a greater decline in international student enrollment. Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship, Marc Miller, justified this move by citing the exponential growth of students applying for study permits. In 2024, international students comprised 2.5 per cent of all residents in Canada, double the figure recorded 5 years ago, causing what Miller describes as “pressure on housing, health care and other services.” Miller justified these measures in order “to protect a system that has become so lucrative that it has opened a path for its abuse.”

Abuses and “unsavoury actors” have been prevailing reasons for introducing study permit caps. These include private colleges, which supposedly provide students with an unsatisfactory standard of living, including poor access to housing and other services. This leaves students unable to afford the cost of living in Canada. Additionally, fraud is mentioned as a major issue: in 2023, over 1,550 study permits were allegedly connected to the issuance of fraudulent acceptance letters.

This said, Miller’s definitions of these supposed ‘bad actors’ has led organizations such as the Migrant Workers Alliance to underline how “tens of thousands of students will be punished for failures of government policy.” The press release also cited a lack of “predictability and transparency” of government policy, largely tracing back to the Trudeau government’s ever-changing international student policies.

In an October 2023 interview with Global News, Miller mentioned proposed international student caps as akin to “doing surgery with a hammer,” whilst in January 2024 he endorsed the study caps for “ensuring the integrity of our immigration system.” These sudden changes in policy have caused concern for Master’s and PhD students, who are exempt from the caps but fearful of another sudden change. In an interview with the Daily, Annabel Ling, a Master’s student at the University of British Columbia, stated “how can I trust a government which is in a constant tug of war with their own policies,” adding that “it is an unsettling time for any academic in Canada.”

The Daily recently reached out to the IRCC to discuss these measures. Regarding how the federal government intends to regulate the caps applied by provinces on international students, the IRCC Media Relations Office stated how “Matching allocations with a provinces per capital share of the population is the prime consideration.” referring to the ratio of permanent residence to International students in a province.

The email further explained: “To ensure international students who arrive in Canada are set up for success, we must tackle issues that have made some students vulnerable,” when asked about the nature of the federal government sudden turnaround on international student regulation.

The IRCC’s new legislation presents an additional challenge for anglophone universities in Quebec such as McGill and Concordia. These universities are reeling from tuition amendments targeting out-of-province students, with 33 per cent increases in tuition being planned. Combined with the rise of $8,000 in the minimum tuition fees for international students in Quebec, this measure is predicted to cause a decrease in enrolment at the two anglophone universities. With applications for admission in Fall 2024 well underway, this announcement came at a shock for many applicants, including Ravi Rahman, a student from Hyderabad, India hoping to study at either the University of Toronto or McGill. He commented to the Daily: “I am just a bit confused as to why this announcement came so late” adding “Both my older brother and sister went to Canadian universities. I feel like I am being robbed of my education and to be honest I feel pretty upset.”

Other universities have had mixed responses. The University of Waterloo in Ontario outlined its support of the IRCC’s attempts to curb ‘bad actors,’ especially in the housing market, whilst the President Vivek Goel worried “we expect [the impact] will be a significant decline this fall in our international student population.” Meanwhile, the University of Saskatchewan could benefit from the caps if allocated three percent of study permits, which could increase their international student population by 11,000 a year if students decide to attend this institution. Concerns have since been raised about whether provinces which clearly attract greater populations of international students like Ontario and British Columbia should have the majority of the 360,000 study caps available in 2024.

International students have expressed feelings of remorse regarding the caps. Fred Azeredo, a Theology major from Brazil, mentioned “while the concerns about obscure private universities’ abuse of international visas are valid, extending the cap to all international students across Canada hammers in just how precarious our status is here.” Another international student, Ollie Saunders, stated how he is “very concerned about the future of international students at McGill, especially as I came here from the Philippines expecting to feel welcome, which is not the case.” Ollie added that he “worr[ies] about his younger siblings and their experience being damaged through this bill.” For many, this cap feels like an attack on international students as opposed to those “unsavoury actors” mentioned by Miller.

Students aren’t the only ones expressing concern about legislation impeding international students’ entry to Canada. Universities Canada, representing the voices of over 234 post-secondary institutions in Canada, including McGill, addressed a joint letter to Minister Miller expressing concern over the federal government’s motives. It mentions the collateral effects of the caps, “given that international students play a pivotal role in bolstering the economy by contributing $22 billion a year to our country.” This is particularly relevant to Quebec as Canada’s third most sought-after destination by international students, with 12 per cent of all international students ending up in Quebec and playing a major role in Quebec’s economy. However, the McGill Media Relations Office commented to the Daily that “Preliminary indications are that the cap on international student permit applications is not likely to affect McGill’s ability to welcome international students,” ensuring McGill will find ways through these stricter measures.

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Birzeit University, located in the West Bank, has publicly replied to the bombing, saying the institution “reaffirms the fact that this crime is part of the Israeli occupation’s onslaught against the Palestinians. It’s all a part of the Israeli occupation’s goal to make Gaza uninhabitable; a continuation of the genocide being carried out in Gaza Strip.”

The toll of educational institutes in Gaza either destroyed or severely damaged by Israeli attacks has reached over 350 schools and numerous public libraries. This latest attack on the educational and cultural institutes of Gaza has reinvigorated discussions surrounding the term “scholasticide.”

The concept of scholasticide first appeared in 2009, in response to attacks by the Israeli military against the Ministry of Education and multiple schools in Gaza. The Guardian has defined scholasticide as “the systematic destruction by Israeli forces of centres of education dear to Palestinian society.” For decades, schools in Gaza have been targeted by Israeli attacks, in addition to cultural institutions elsewhere such as the 1982 looting of the Palestinian Research Centre in Beirut and the accompanying destruction of historical archives. Furthermore, centres of education replacing previously destroyed institutions have also been targeted, such as attacks in 2009 on the UN-established school in the Jabaliya refugee camp.

In light of Israel’s recent assault on Gaza, the idea of scholasticide has been supported by academics by three of Israel’s actions: the devastation of educational infrastructure, the continuous military assault on universities and schools, and the persecution of Palestinian scholars and dissenting scholars at Israeli universities. The first and second actions have spoken for themselves over the course of the war since October, with the sheer amount of destruction across Gaza and the future of education remaining bleak for Palestinian children. Furthermore, many prominent Palestinian scholars were recently killed by Israeli strikes or offensives. The scientist, researcher and president of the Islamic University of Gaza, Sufyan Tayeh, specializing in theoretical physics and applied mathematics, was murdered along with his family in December. Similarly, the renowned professor, writer, and poet Refaat Alareer was killed in air strikes in Gaza in the same month. Alareer was well known for writing about his Gazan experience, leaving behind the emotional poem “If I Die,” shortly before the airstrike that killed him and six members of his family. Their deaths, alongside the combined efforts to reduce educational infrastructure in Gaza to rubble, have outraged academics across the world and prompted the petition Scholars Against the War on Palestine (SAWP). Scholars from institutes across Israel, such as Anat Matar, an Israeli philosopher and activist, have joined the petition, along with a wide range of signatories from Stanford to the University of Amsterdam.

One such signatory of both the SAWP petition and the open letter “Support SSMU and the Palestine Solidarity Policy” published by the Daily in April 2022 is Michelle Hartman. A professor of Arabic literature at the McGill Institute of Islamic Studies, Professor Hartman, has been deeply involved in the Palestinian cause for over a decade.

“If the concept of scholasticide works to stop what is happening in Palestine, then I am all for it. We at universities around the world must respond to the systematic destruction of Palestinian education as loudly and forcefully as possible,” she stated in an email to the Daily. “This is a comprehensive project to completely decimate physical infrastructure — bombarding schools and universities in Gaza — while deliberately targeting Palestinian professors and students for harassment, detention, and murder.”

The final element supporting the idea of scholasticide is the importance of academia in Palestinian culture and society. In 2009, The Guardian wrote that “Palestinians are among the most thoroughly educated people in the world…[and have] put a singular emphasis on learning.” In the same article, Dr. Karma Nabulsi, a Professor of Politics and International Relations at Oxford University, stated that for many Palestinians, “education is the most important thing – it is part of the family life, part of your identity, and part of the rebellion.” The resilience of Palestinian culture and education is showcased by the country’s extremely high literacy rates. With a literacy rate of 97.7 per cent, Palestine ranks above countries such as Singapore, Hong Kong, and Turkey. This achievement is a testament to the Palestinian commitment to education regardless of ongoing conflict and humanitarian crises. Prof. Hartman continues along this vein.

“As scholars and as students, we must remind the world that the lives, thoughts, and work of our Palestinian peers are as worthy as our own. This is not because academia is more important than other spheres or academics are more important than other people. But education is a central value in Palestinian society and the attack on education is meant to destroy not only buildings but the aspirations, hope, and spirit of a people,” she wrote. “In an iconic poem, Mahmoud Darwish asks the colonizer, “Why not memorize a little poetry to stop the slaughter?” We must listen to him, and other Palestinians, and defend their right to exist and thrive—the future poets, alongside everyone else.”

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Concerning the economic objective, Yousif states that the “country’s cannabis industry is struggling for survival.” Even though the cannabis recreational market in Canada is valued in the billions as Deloitte Canada states in 2022 it added $43.5 billion since 2018, the cannabis industry makes little to no profit. George Smitherman, former Ontario Deputy Premier and head of the Cannabis Council of Canada, explains to Yousif the absence of a “global road map,” or the fact so few other countries have legalized cannabis,  makes it impossible for the industry to expand past a certain point, over which production exceeds demand. For Armstrong, it resumes to a classic “boom and bust” situation: the initial lack of production and high demand led to a surplus and so a downsizing. So much that today, only 20 per cent of cannabis related businesses have a “positive cashflow” according to Smitherman. In 2023, the cannabis industry is effectively struggling to survive. For example, Aurora Cannabis, thriving in 2018, had to sell their headquarters back to Hershey Canada. Le Journal de Montréal describes that most cannabis manufacturers, such as Hexo, Cronos Group or Canopy Growth are struggling for benefits. Furthermore, many Canadian citizens who invested in the industry lost an estimated $131 billion. 

But the struggle also resides elsewhere. In late 2022, the Department of Public Safety stated that 33 per cent of the market remained illegal. Although the police observed 47,000 incidents in 2017 against only 16,000 in 2019, traffic has not stopped. Léa, who  used a pseudonym, a 16-year-old interviewed by Félix Morrissette-Beaulieu for Radio-Canada, said that it is “relatively easy” to get ahold of the drug. She started smoking at the age of 13.  Marie-José Michaud, coordinator of the prevention service Le Grand Chemin, explains that the illegal market adapted to the legalization. There are new ways of smoking that are gaining in popularity, for example, the wax pen, for example, is gaining in popularity: a vape-style way of smoking the drug with over three times the authorized amount of THC in it.

With the combined effect of the legalization and the evolution of the illicit market to stronger and more nocive products, a widespread consumption of cannabis could be expected. Statistics Canada explains that the use of cannabis increased from 22 per cent to 27 per cent between 2017 and 2022 for Canadians over 16, but the percentage of people consuming the drug did not change. In other words, the drug did not spread to a broader or younger audience, but its use became heavier. Pediatrician Richard Bélanger claims that smoking “did not diminish either” and Léa condemns a lack of education and information about drugs. Whereas Enquête Canadienne announced in 2021 that 93 per cent of consumers know of the addictive effects of cannabis against 64 per cent in 2017, this inquiry was only submitted to people already buying cannabis. Government issued packages with warnings and no advertisement may not be sufficient as a third of the market is illegal, and an additional 10 per cent cultivate their own plants. 

Overall, the reform’s success is debatable. For some, Canada has done something exceptional world wide; for others, the industry struggles, and public health concerns are still present. The Medical Association Journal describes the reform as “not a public health disaster” but has yet to show any positive aspects in the area. However, a reform often takes effect in the long term. Five years is, for many experts, way too short to correctly evaluate the efficiency of the bill in meeting the three main goals of 2018.

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Back in 2018, over 40,000 women marched through Santiago. The protest ended tragically, with three women being stabbed. In 2019, an anti-rape song recorded by a group of Chileans went viral and was utilized by protestors worldwide. Moreover, reports of underage school children experiencing sexual assault rose by 55 per cent in 2022. The response was a number of strikes and the closure of a school in the centre of the city. After a slight lull, a second wave of protests is being seen across Chile.

This growing tension can be pinned down to the impending release of the new Constitution. The new set of laws will be the third attempt to rewrite the Constitution that has been in place since 1980, under the dictatorship of Augustus Pinochet. However, in 2022, President Gabriel Boric’s attempt to introduce one of the world’s most left-leaning bills of rights was voted down, leading to the election of a new Constitutional Council. There, the conservative Republican Party won 23 out of the available 51 seats. This has granted their leader, far-right Catholic Jose Kast, the opportunity to lead in the drafting of the new bill. Kast had previously expressed deep opposition to abortions, such as trying to outlaw the contraception pill back in 2007. He also previously proposed removing the Ministry for Women, a position he has since abandoned. His Constitution will be voted on by the public in December of this year.

Currently, abortion is legal in three situations: when the life of the mother is at risk, when the fetus is not viable, and in cases of rape during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy (or 14 weeks if the woman is under 14 years old). However, since 2018, clinics can refuse abortion based solely on their ideological perspective. Kast claims that if he were to introduce a total ban, he would be simply representing the views of his country. Indeed, a 2021 poll stated that 54 per cent of Chileans disagreed with the legalization of the medical procedure up until 12 weeks of pregnancy, regardless of the reason.

In 2015, a campaign group called InformAborto launched a public pro-life campaign. Their social media shows them driving through the streets of Santiago with a large and explicit image of a fetus, with the words “torture and disappearance”. This reflects their attempt to liken it to the crimes of Augustus Pinochet, who was responsible for over 3000 human rights violations.

Despite this, there has been great outrage coming from the left in response to these proposed measures. Paloma Zúñiga Cerda, a member of the Democratic Revolution party and part of the Constitutional Council, argued that the views of the Republican Party were deeply hypocritical. For one, she notes that Kast has failed to condemn the murders that took place during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship. This, she claims, shows a stronger disregard for life than that of pro-lifers.
Moreover, earlier this year, 15 members of the house voted against condemning the sexual violence that took place during this time. One member of the Republican Party referred to the hundreds of reports of rape and sexual assault as ‘urban legend.’ Similarly, others have drawn comparisons to the perceived lack of state action against the rise in domestic violence against women. For example, only 73 per cent of the cases of femicide recorded between 2010 and 2019 ended in sentencing.

The UN have also called on Chile to improve gender equality in the country, citing that in 2018, 5.8 per cent of women aged 15 to 49 years reported that they had been subject to physical and/or sexual violence by a current or former intimate partner in the previous 12 months. Cerda wonders how the right can claim to be protecting the life of the unborn child while showing disregard for the lives of countless women. She has since voiced her attempts to ensure gender equality is provided by the next constitution.

A huge consequence of Chile’s strict abortion laws is the rise in at-home abortions. Around the city, one can find numerous fliers on how to obtain misoprostol, a prohibited medicine commonly used to terminate an early pregnancy. This pill is increasingly used illegally by Chilean women, an act that can be dangerous and extremely isolating. Indeed, in 2017, up to 70,000 abortions took place in this way. In 2014, this was responsible for up to 900 deaths in Latin America, and Human Rights Watch claims this has disproportionality affected poorer and Indigenous women. This act is punishable by five years imprisonment, yet this hasn’t stopped a number of clandestine groups supplying the drug. Alongside the medication, these “abortion doulas” provide emotional support to those in the process. Organisations such as Advocates for Youth even offer training to those as young as 14 to help those who want to guide others with the procedure.

Chile continues to be divided on this policy. The conservative members of the constitutional council affirm that they “are not making any changes that could affect the three-cause abortion law,” yet the Green Tide continues to spread the hashtag, “#SeraLey,” or “It will be Legal.”

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 Indeed, the Canadian government believes that agents of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government are behind the murder of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Canadian and Indian citizen. This murder took place on June 18 in Surrey, British Columbia. Nijjar was known to be involved with the Khalistan movement as a Canadian Sikh separatist leader. This movement calls for an independent Sikh state, as Indian Sikhs constitute the fourth largest religious group in the country. Nijjar’s involvement with the Khalistan movement is in fact a significant aspect to the tensions that have risen between Canada and India. In fact, since Trudeau’s accusations, Indian media sources have presented Canada as a country that offers refuge to Khalistani terrorists

Trudeau’s accusations, and the Indian government’s reaction to them, has caused negative repercussions for Canada, whether it is diplomatically, economically, or socially. A key result of these tensions, for instance, has been the Indian demands of the repatriation of 41 Canadian diplomats, which was recently enacted on October 19. Along with that, India has warned its citizens to be cautious when traveling to Canada, and has stopped processing visitor visas for Canada. This can indicate a diplomatic setback for Canada, for whom India constitutes a “country that we want to have a good relationship with” according to Daniel Béland, Director of the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada and Professor in the Department of Political Science. When talking to the Daily, Béland emphasized the importance of salvaging “our relationship with India; in part because we have so many Canadians of Indian descent, along with foreign students and temporary workers from India.” “Four per cent of Canadians are of Indian background” and “half of that are from Sikh background” says Béland. As discussed with Professor Béland, this issue exceeds the realm of international relations as it “has ramifications that are important domestically” for instance within the Indian diaspora, “including tensions between Indians and Sikh people.” 

Daniel Béland explains that Canada has not received a lot of public support from its allies (such as the UK)- except for the US which has asserted support for Canada during these tensions- which might display a shift in Canada’s positioning in the world as a “middle-sized power.” However, he claims it is important to remember that “Canadian voters aren’t as interested in foreign diplomacy.” Béland discusses Canada’s tendency to focus on local issues rather than focusing on the country’s foreign correspondences. He says that foreign policy is “not necessarily a priority” in Canada, but that these tensions show that Canadian foreign policy is already shifting. There is “more push back on alleged foreign interference,” displayed through Trudeau’s decision to “publicly take a strong stance” on this issue, describes Béland.

Although these tensions might come off as pivotal for Canada and Canadian foreign policy, the Trudeau government has claimed that they are not looking to escalate tensions with India. “You need two partners to dance,” says Béland. Indeed, the future outcomes of these tensions will not only depend on the Canadian government, but also the Modi government’s response.

From India’s perspective, the Indian government has denied any involvement in the murder of Nijjar and has labeled these accusations as “absurd and politically motivated.” The Indian government views Canada as accepting of the Khalistan movement, which they consider to be a terrorist movement and a national security threat. The Indian government further reiterated their belief that Canada is “not doing enough to stem anti-India activism.” The Indian Minister of External Affairs, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, has explaimed that Indian diplomats positioned in Canada feel unsafe when going to embassies or consulates due to the “climate of fear” that has arisen. However, Jaishankar emphasized that India remains open to exploring any relevant or specific information that Canada might advance. Nonetheless, India expresses concerns of “continuous interference” in their internal affairs by Canadian agents, which threatens their “sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

The future of the Canadian-Indian diplomatic and political relationship is hard to predict. It will depend on the upcoming actions of both countries and how these tensions evolve; whether the countries are willing to cooperate, or, contrastingly, if they continue to exacerbate the friction.  

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Yet on August 20, Ecuadorians marked a revolutionary moment in Latin American history. The electorate voted overwhelmingly in favour of suspending oil drilling in the Yasuni National Park. The park has exceptional biodiversity, and the area is home to many Indigenous communities, including two who live in voluntary isolation: the Tagaeri and the Taromenane. 

Yasuni Park has been the center of international attention and speculation in years past. In 2007, Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa attempted to launch the Yasuni-ITT initiative. He proposed that at least 850 million barrels of crude oil from the Ishpingo-Tambococha-Tiputini oil field (ITT) would be left untouched and unexploited, in the name of preserving biodiversity and Indigenous territories. However, since Ecuador relies heavily on the oil industry, the nation sought $3.5 billion from the global community to fund employment in the renewable energy sector. Only 0.37 per cent of the objective was attained, which prevented the goal of developing renewable energy sectors in the country from being achieved. Without the will of the international community to support this proposal, the Yasuni initiative could not succeed. This prompted the president to exploit the ITT oil field to tackle the country’s growing austerity.

As such, corporations were able to extract oil from one the world’s largest biodiverse areas, resulting in at least 689 hectares of deforestation.

On March 6, 2020, the state-owned company Petroamazonas EP, which subsequently united with Petroecuador, granted a $148 million contract for the development of 24 new wells on the ITT field, specifically in the Tambococha field. After awarding the contract to the Chinese corporation, Chuanqing Drilling Engineering Company Limited (CCDC), the government expected an increase of 7500 barrels of oil per day.

However, satellite images rendered by Monitoring the Andean Amazon Project (MAAP) observed that the construction of roads in the ITT field was seriously endangering the conservation of the Yasuni Park.

In response, Indigenous and environmental activists came together to advocate for the suspension of oil extraction in the park. The YASunidos collective assembled social organizations and movements to defend the Yasuni park and its Indigenous inhabitants. 

 Xavier Leon Vega, member of the Yasuni Collective, wrote extensively about the situation: “This whole situation was an incentive for the creation of the Yasunidos movement, which works against petroleum exploitation in the Yasuni and in favour of a post-petroleum society.” Their objective focused on conducting a referendum that would allow Ecuadorians the possibility to decide whether crude oil should be extracted from the ITT field. This mechanism lies within the rights stipulated in the 2008 Constitution, which recognizes the “plurinational nature of the Ecuadorian State, the rights of nature, but above all the right to participation and the guarantee of participatory democracy.” As such, the movement to preserve the Yasuni National Park gained 750,000 signatures and became recognized as “the first direct democracy initiative” assembled by the people.

Regardless, the National Electoral Council annulled more than half of the signatures gathered. Through appeals, mobilizations and peaceful protests, the Constitutional Court of Ecuador ruled the Ecuadorian state violated citizens’ rights through its arbitrary decision to invalidate the petition. The court even went further and granted a referendum on August 20 where more than 58 per cent voted in favour of preservation efforts of the park.

This historic referendum obliges Ecuador’s state-owned oil company, Petraecuador, to suspend all operations within a year . This includes the ceasing of drilling infrastructure and restoring the oil sites of block 43. This event has been appraised as the first time in which a nation’s country has voted resoundingly in favour of leaving oil reserves untapped.

However, it is unclear how oil operations in the ITT field would be worthy of foreign and national investment. For instance, “more than 90 per cent of what’s pumped is toxic water that needs to be removed and treated, making operations more expensive.” 

With struggling debt, the government often views oil operations as the most viable way to gain funds.  The irony lies within Ecuador’s financial state, where it holds a USD $5 billion of debt to China, and yet it has been using oil to repay loans by awarding contracts to Chinese petroleum companies within the oil fields.

This can be illustrated through Eduardo Galeono’s famous analysis, The Open Veins of Latin America, where he writes: “Nothing compares with this “black gold” as a magnet for foreign capital, nothing earns such lush profits, no jewel in the diadem of capitalism is so monopolized, and no business wields the global political power of the great petroleum corporations.”

Alternatives have been considered to create a sustainable economy such as developing markets focused on local products or the development of carbon offset programs. Recently, Ecuador secured an agreement wherein the country obtained at least $12 million in financial contributions to conserve the Galapagos Islands.  As such, the country has solved its dilemma by deciding to preserve Yasuni Park. By taking this step, Ecuador is allowing itself to find other alternatives to support its economy. 

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Canada’s Indigenous population is more than twice as likely to experience food insecurity than other Canadians. Indigenous people have lived in Canada for 12,000 years. Despite being the first people to live in Canada, they are now some of the least fortunate due to European colonization and ongoing settler-colonialism from the Canadian government. Colonization has been heavily detrimental to the culture and sustainability of Indigenous people. Cultural erasure, government control, and insufficient funding have all contributed to the difficult circumstances Indigenous people now face. This historical and systemic inequity and abuse of Indigenous people by Canada has led to severe unavailability of basic resources like food and water.

Over the past centuries, power has systematically been taken away from Indigenous people. These groups have all experienced extreme marginalization and abuse which has resulted in struggles that impact their health and safety

Since the beginning of European colonization, there have been active attempts to eliminate Indigenous cultures. The Indian Act of 1876 was a significant component of this. In the passing of this act, the Canadian Government took control of policy regarding Indigenous people, resources on reserves, housing, and health services – essentially taking away any sovereignty the Indigenous peoples had. This act was an attempt to ‘assimilate’ Indigenous people into Canadian life and culture, and essentially eradicate the cultures they already had. Residential schools, which ran from 1831 to 1996, were intended to ‘educate’ Indigenous children by ‘civilizing’ and Christianizing them. The instruction at these schools was insufficient for any standard of living, with studies focused on religion, basic household skills, and nothing educationally advanced. Students were also not permitted to acknowledge or practice their own cultures or languages. These schools limited the knowledge of Indigenous children while also preventing and actively prohibiting them from learning their cultural history and way of life. In addition, Indigenous children were fed foreign food of insufficient quantity or quality, rather than their cultural meals and diet, often leading to malnutrition and starvation.

Indigenous peoples’ self-sufficient meal preparation knowledge, harvesting and environmentally-respectful agriculture is still being impacted by the Canadian government’s policies. Additionally, the living conditions designated to them by the government are overpriced and unlivable.

The water on many Indigenous reserves is not safe to drink. Contaminated water systems have made it incredibly difficult for Indigenous people to access this basic necessity. The Canadian government has committed to resolving this issue. According to the Government of Canada, 143 long-term drinking water advisories have been lifted since 2015 and today there are only 28 still in effect. Though much progress has been made, 26 reserves that are still impacted by this contaminated water need safe water as well. Initiatives like The Council of Canadians are advocating for an increase in government funding towards the repair and maintenance of the water systems on reserves, citing $138 million in annual funding required to cover these costs.

On top of the unsafe water conditions, the cost of basic necessities like food is much higher. With Indigenous reservations being located in remote areas, food transportation is required which greatly increases prices. For instance, the average monthly expenditure for food in Attawapiskat is $1,909, more than double the $846 average monthly expense in Toronto, according to a 2016 report by Food Secure Canada. Though these higher prices are the result of the geographical location of the reserves, they could be improved by Indigenous people farming and hunting for their own foods. However, with very little sovereignty, this option is unattainable. Policy-based and physical barriers make it very difficult for Indigenous peoples to hunt and prepare their traditional foods. “Almost half of on-reserve First Nations households were food insecure and the prevalence was higher than that for non-Indigenous households in Canada,” determined a study from 2008-2018.

There are many initiatives supporting and raising money to fight Indigenous food insecurity and unsafe water. However, there appears to be limited or insufficient intervention from the Canadian government itself, the organization that is primarily responsible for these issues existing in the first place. If the government were to allocate funding to decrease prices of foods, encourage Indigenous consumption of cultural foods, expand Indigenous sovereignty, and maintain reserve water systems, Indigenous food insecurity could be significantly reduced.

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Members of “Amazonia For Life” gathered outside of the UN Headquarters last Monday, demanding that world leaders act immediately to save the Amazon rainforest from further deforestation. Home to the most biodiverse ecosystem on the planet and countless Indigenous tribes, the Amazon is a critical component of our biosphere.

Their target? Protecting 80 per cent of the Amazon rainforest by 2025, a goal they have dubbed “80 = 25”. The initiative has been supported by over 1,200 different organizations, including 50 Indigenous groups from across the Amazonian basin.

In Brazil, former president Jair Bolsonaro’s administration oversaw a record-breaking degradation of the Amazon rainforest. Agriculture and mining were allowed to operate on Indigenous land in the Amazon without Indigenous consent. According to World Wildlife Federation Brazil, the Amazon rainforest lost some 11,568 km² in area over 2022, the last year of Bolsonaro’s term. This translates to a 150 per cent increase in deforestation from the previous year.

Bolsonaro’s legislative moves, while endorsed by the agricultural lobby, were vocally opposed by Indigenous groups and environmental activists. The Amazon rainforest is both a haven of endangered species and one of the largest carbon sinks on the planet, making it essential to Earth’s ecological balance. In a worst-case scenario, the rainforest would reach a “tipping point” and revert into a savannah, leading to the disappearance of all its current ecosystems.

It is precisely this worst-case scenario which “Amazonia For Life” is attempting to stave off. In their latest report, they stress the need for “urgent measures to safeguard the remaining 74% of the Amazon” relatively untouched by human activity.

“Amazonia For Life” is the latest pushback by Indigenous groups around the world against the rapid degradation of Earth’s biosphere. Often living near environmentally-sensitive areas, Indigenous groups have long witnessed their lands desecrated and turned barren by human activity.

In Australia, years of staunch opposition by Aboriginal groups failed to stop the construction of the Carmichael coal mine near Aboriginal sacred sites. The mine, over its projected sixty-year lifetime, will produce a whopping 2% of the maximum CO2 scientists warn we can emit before global warming reaches a point of no return. Bravus (formerly Adani Group), which owns the mine, and police officers have continually harassed Aboriginal locals and supporters for opposing the project or simply accessing their ancestral lands.

Not all Indigenous initiatives have failed, however. Under new President Lula’s administration, Amazon deforestation in Brazil has fallen dramatically. And in the US, the Biden administration has recently returned to Native American tribes the power to stop projects that might pollute waterways under the federal Clean Water Act.

Indigenous groups have also started looking for creative methods to kickstart environmental action. Court cases have become more common a tool for Indigenous communities to pressure governments into action. Over 2100 climate-related court cases were filed in 2022, double the number from 2017. In Canada, the Wet’suwet’en of British Columbia sued the federal government in 2020 for failing to adequately respond to the climate crisis.

Severe wildfires and beetle infestations have plagued the Wet’suwet’en in the last few years as a result of warming temperatures. The First Nations community was also the focal point of national controversy last year, when the CoastLink pipeline’s construction encroached on their lands. The federal government has now announced plans to reach net zero by 2050, while affirming close cooperation with Indigenous stakeholders on climate issues.

Nonetheless, court cases have had mixed results for Indigenous groups elsewhere. The Wet’suwet’en case, in spite of the Canadian government’s promises, was initially rejected before being reconsidered under appeal: this appeal is still ongoing as of time of writing. A 2023 UNEP report concluded that most court cases had “limited success”, being thrown out due to a lack of recognition of Indigenous rights in courts.

Another major problem is ensuring that corporations and governments comply with legal mandates. Despite a 2021 ruling in Ecuador against gas flaring—the toxic burning of natural gas from oil extraction—its practice is continued near Indigenous communities.

Other Indigenous groups act as guardians within their communities, supervising the health of their lands. Across Canada, First Nations communities have put forward “Indigenous Protected and Conserved Areas”, ecological zones where conservation work draws from Indigenous knowledge. This approach has the benefits of cooperation with First Nations communities, as well as continued application and transmission of Indigenous traditions and culture to future generations.

Nonetheless, experts explain that Indigenous groups still face many obstacles—political, racial, and socioeconomic—in their mission to protect and heal their land. A recent United Nations report highlighted deep inequalities in the way climate funding is distributed globally, with Indigenous peoples often left out of the picture. Similar findings were reported last November by Canada’s auditor-general, blasting the lack of adequate emergency services available for Indigenous communities for climate-related disasters. In Brazil, environmental activists—many of whom are Indigenous—have been killed fighting for the future of the earth.

Yet, despite these obstacles, Indigenous people have and continue to spearhead the fight to save our planet.

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On Monday, February 6, around 4 AM, one of the strongest earthquakes in over 100 years hit Turkey and Northern Syria. The deadly power of its 7.8 magnitude was quickly followed by another 7.5 magnitude earthquake in the early afternoon, and 100 powerful aftershocks were felt throughout the day. According to the United States Geological Survey, it was one of the strongest earthquakes to hit the region. Tremors were felt as far away as Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan and Israel. Four days later, the death toll had reached 20,000 casualties, with 17,406 deaths reported in Turkey and 3,317 in Syria. Death tolls are predicted to keep rising in the upcoming days as rescue teams operate under difficult conditions. This catastrophe hit an already fragile region, as Turkey faces a longstanding economic crisis and Syria undergoes one of the world’s most persistent humanitarian crises. At a greater scale, the McGill community is also impacted as student groups organize campaigns to contribute relief to Turkey and Syria. 

Where did the earthquakes hit, and why were they so deadly?

The first earthquake in Turkey and Northern Syria was classified as “major” on the Richter magnitude scale and broke along 100km (62 miles) of the fault line. An earthquake is caused by the friction of adjoining plates (in this case, the Arabian moving northwards toward the Anatolian plate) until pressure builds up and one plate suddenly causes the surface to move. Two major fault lines trigger shocks on a regular basis in the region. However, larger quakes are less frequent, as Professor Joanna Faure Walker, from the Institute for Risk and Disaster Reduction at University College London, tells BBC: “only two in the last 10 years have been of equivalent magnitude, and four in the previous 10 years.” Although scientists usually know where earthquakes might happen using historical records and geological measurements, it is more difficult to estimate when they will occur because the forces that cause them to happen operate slowly over a vast area, yet with concentrated effects over a narrow region. Nevertheless, their force can destroy lives and cities in minutes. Although building quality is supposedly controlled and enforced by a building code, standards are not always respected. The fault rupture caused the collapse of nearly 5,700 buildings in Turkey, which was particularly damaging given the region’s high population density.  In Syria, Bill McGuire, a volcanologist at University College London, said to Al-Monitor that “many structures have already been weakened by more than a decade of war.” 

What are the conditions in Syria?

Syria has been destabilized by the civil war that has been ongoing for over ten years, creating a chronically underfunded humanitarian emergency. According to the UN, nearly 70 per cent of the Syrian population required humanitarian aid before the earthquake. The earthquake caused widespread damage in northern Syria, including the last rebel-held holdout in the northwest. Within these regions, many people have been displaced from other parts of Syria, many live in camps, and four million depend on international humanitarian assistance. Still, much of the emergency aid from the international community arrived from one border crossing in Turkey, which was heavily damaged by the earthquake. The first United Nations aid convoy crossed into northern Syria on Thursday. International sanctions have also been straining the country’s economy, as the country faces widespread poverty and food shortages; about 90 percent of Syrians live below the poverty line. Moreover, the geopolitical and domestic political situation likely increases the risk of unequal aid access and assistance to Syria since the West doesn’t recognize Bashar Al-Assad’s leadership. Most Western governments will channel their resources towards the UN and international humanitarian support organizations rather than provide direct support. The international community has called to relax some of the political restrictions on aid entering north-west Syria. Currently, with the support of Russia at the UN, Assad’s government allows aid to enter through only one border crossing. The Syrian Association for Citizens Dignity argues that all borders should be opened on an emergency basis. The Guardian highlights that the recent earthquakes in Syria have intensified a humanitarian crisis that is testing the ability of the international community to come together and respond. Despite existing divisions caused by the war in Ukraine and conflicts in the Middle East, it is critical for nations to set aside their differences and prioritize aid for those in need, they argue.

What are the conditions in Turkey?

Turkey’s quickly-rising death toll doubles that of Syria and has further destabilized the region. Turkey has been facing a profound economic crisis, with an inflation rate of about 80 per cent last year (as compared to 6.3 per cent in Canada). Such an economic situation has exacerbated food insecurity in the region, with about 70 per cent of those surveyed by Yonëylem Social Research Centre in Turkey unable to afford food. Although the economic costs are still not fully clear at this time, the United States Geological Survey estimates that it could rise up to 10 per cent of Turkey’s GDP. The hundreds of kilometres of damage and millions of people affected could “completely reset” Turkey’s economy and politics, said Atilla Yesilada of Global Source Partners. A day after the quake struck, Erdogan’s opposition parties and residents in damaged areas criticized the weak and slow governmental response. The upcoming presidential election on May 14 will be a test of President Erdogan’s ability to manage the crisis in the aftermath of the quakes and cooperate with other countries. The perception that the government is not effectively addressing the disaster or allegations of non-compliance with building codes could harm the incumbent’s chances in the election. The opposition also emphasizes the importance of the government in providing aid without discrimination to the affected regions, which include Kurdish communities and Syrian refugees. 

How to help

The recovery process after a disaster has various stages. The initial response involves search and rescue, emergency medical care and other critical needs. Logistics, such as access to damaged areas, often pose a greater challenge than funding at this stage. Secondary emergencies can also result in further casualties if medical care and supplies are not available. In the long term, donations play a crucial role in helping disaster victims rebuild their homes and lives. Here at McGill, the Turkish Students’ Association (TSSM) provides both resources and support for victims and their communities. They will be hosting a second round of supply donations this week, which will be published on their Instagram account. The McGill Syrian Students’ Association (SSA) is also raising funds to be delivered to trusted local volunteers on the ground. E-transfers will be accepted to vp.finance.ssa@gmail.com. Raised funds will be directed to most affected regions and then be used to buy blankets, food, clothes and supplies on-site. Updates and follow-ups on their fundraiser can be found on their Instagram.

Within the McGill Community

Both the SSA and TSSM will organize meetings and aid assemblies in the upcoming weeks to offer support and answer questions. In an interview with Sarah Al-Ani, VP Advisor for SSA, she emphasized the importance of the Syrian community at McGill: 

“Although there are only about 48 new Syrian students that were accepted to Mcgill this year, we have around like 900 to 1000 followers, and we have some events that bring 400 students. A lot of us moved here, there is a large community. It’s just maybe a lot of them aren’t aware of our club or aren’t aware of what we do. ”

Although it may be difficult for a student’s club to reach the greater community, she explains the solidarity that exists among the greater student’s community:

“Even if a friend of mine is not Syrian, they could come to this event or even if someone is not from Turkey, they’ll come to Turkish events. So I feel like even though someone is not Syrian, they feel for it. There is also a large Arabic community. We all feel the hardship that’s happening.” 

Although McGill itself has yet to make a statement about the situation, she explains how raising awareness and knowledge is crucial to grieving students, especially during the exam period, and encourages impacted students to reach out to professors for accommodations. Nevertheless, Sarah points out the important role that McGill could play now: 

“McGill has such a large platform. They have TikTok. They have Instagram. They have Facebook. So for them to use their platform to help us shows their support, shows that they’re allies with us”.

In the meantime, you can always contact the SSA and the TSSM for any further questions or concerns.

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The QPIRG Alternative Library also buys books and educates people, Dong adds, and is therefore not that different from a regular library. Yet it is distinctly “alternative,” he explains, as they “collect and distribute knowledge related to justice” in the “specific activist context.” QPIRG’s Alternative Library is part of a larger network of other loosely related independent, alternative libraries in Montreal, including – but not limited to – those at QPIRG-Concordia, the Center for Gender Advocacy at Concordia, Queer McGill, the Labour Library at AMUSE, and the Simone DeBeauvoir Institute. Most of the libraries in this network are led by students, and most have a non-hierarchical approach to functioning and archiving, per Dong. 

Those who work at the QPIRG Alternative Library collect donations whenever possible. Dong explains that they often gather freely-distributed materials from activist movements on campus and then add them to their collections. “Even though it is very hard to achieve and hard to maintain,” he says of the collection process, “it is a crucial part to let people know that this part of history existed so that organizations and activists of later generations can refer back.” However, the library is not structured as a formal archive. “The challenge is how to make [our materials] publicly accessible and easily navigable, in a database that people can search in an easy way,” Dong says. “But our goal has always been collecting these things as material evidence of activist existence.”  

The QPIRG-McGill Alternative Library also organizes justice-based activities. On October 27, they hosted a free, virtual presentation from the ArQuives, one of the largest LGBTQ2S+ archives in the world, located in Toronto. Similar to the QPIRG Alternative Library, the ArQuive’s mandate is to “acquire, preserve, organize, and give public access to information and materials in any medium, by and about LGBTQ2+ people, primarily produced in or concerning Canada,” and to “maintain a research library, international research files, and an international collection of LGBTQ2+ periodicals,” according to the organization’s website. The presentation was delivered by Ariana Ho, senior archivist at the ArQuives, and Daniel Payne, reference archivist at the ArQuives. 

Ho started the presentation by giving an overview of the history of the ArQuives and how they functiom today. She first explained that the ArQuives came out of the Gay Liberation Movement in Toronto, which happened from 1969 to1973. Following a series of protests and gay and lesbian organizing, in 1971, the Body Politic was established – Canada’s first gay and lesbian magazine. The magazine was organized as an informal collective, and remained influential for Canada’s gay and lesbian community throughout the ’70s and ’80s, explains Ho. In 1973, the Body Politic established the Canadian Gay Liberation Movement Archives with the goal of  preserving documents generated by the Gay Liberation Movement. The name has since been changed to the ArQuives to reflect the organization’s mandate. 

“Traditional archives have typically excluded marginalized folks from their collections, including but not limited to BIPOC, LGBTQ2S+, disabled, underhoused or newcomer experiences,” Ho wrote to the Daily. “The ArQuives aims to fill some of these archival erasures and gaps.” She emphasized that the ArQuives is a community archive, started and led by the community.

Ho says that the ArQuives have historically been volunteer-run, with volunteering just recently picking back up again after the pandemic slowed their operations. “We had somewhere around 150 volunteers, some of whom have been involved since the 1970s,” she adds. Today, there are eight people on staff on short-term contracts. Ho explains that the ArQuives do not receive operational funding, and while they do occasionally receive government grants and foundational support for specific projects, they are heavily reliant on generous donations from community members. 

Researchers can go to the ArQuives in Toronto and visit the research room to see the collection, Ho continued. It is here where reference archivists like Payne work and help researchers navigate the collection. “We receive hundreds of reference requests every year, and that’s from researchers across Canada and internationally,” Ho says. “Most of our researchers are academics, filmmakers, artists, etc.” 

She explained that a lot of digitization occurred during the pandemic in order to accommodate researchers. Researchers can now explore digitized materials by using the reference services to search the ArQuives’ collections. Those who are curious can also visit the Digital Exhibitions page on the ArQuives website, which allows you to explore highlights from the collection digitally. “You can learn about things like Halloween Drag Balls in the ’50s, ’60s, and ’70s, the first gay and lesbian protest in the early ’70s, the history of trans health care activism in Ontario, and much more,” Ho says. 

When it comes to their collections, Ho says that they generally don’t turn away donations unless they don’t have the capacity or space to house materials. “Donors will oftentimes bring in T-shirts, buttons, horns, personal papers, and organizational papers from organizations that they were a part of,” she says. They look for donations that relate to everyday queer life. “We don’t simply collect the records of those who have a big impact,” Ho told the Daily. “Preserving the histories of everyday folks is important to us.”

The ArQuives are also home to a multitude of fonds, or materials grouped together that share the same origin and that are the product of a singule agency, individual, or organization. Ho spotlighted the Bernard Courte fonds, the Dykes on Mykes fonds, and the Chris Cushman fonds, all available for perusing. 

Ho ended her presentation by acknowledging that a large percentage of the ArQuives’ records centres around the lives and work of gay, white cisgender men, and have historically failed to preserve the records and history of racialized queer and trans folks. She highlighted some of the ongoing initiatives in efforts to increase the representation of marginalized members of the LGBTQ2S+ community in the ArQuives. For example, Ho discussed the Trans Collection Project, “which consists of conducting outreach with members of the trans community, assisting in the collection of trans materials, and preparing the records for permanent storage.” She also spoke of the ArQuive’s collaboration with the Roots and Rites/Routes and Writes Project, when they hosted a creative non-fiction writing workshop for young queer and trans South Asian writers to create an archive of their experiences to be preserved at The ArQuives. 

Next, Payne presented strategies to use when searching the collection. He demonstrated that you can sort results according to collection source, description level, collection/fonds, material type, decade, and more when searching online to narrow your search. He emphasized that it’s important to keep in mind that the archive is not a library. “You oftentimes go to a library that is organized through broad subject headings,” he explains, “and an archive is kind of almost a hacking of that whole system.” Alternatively, the archive is organized from the “bottom level up, based on individuals that lived through various time periods in history. We build up our collections through the way they saw their worlds.” 

You can explore the ArQuives’ collection through their website or by filing a reference request. There’s also an open call for on-site, remote, and hybrid volunteers; you can apply at arquives.ca. In Montreal, you can visit the QPIRG-Alternative Library at 3516 Park Avenue, open on Mondays and Wednesdays from 2:00 to 6:00 PM. You can also check out material from the Alternative Library by registering to become a member through the library’s Linktree.

A previous version of this article incorrectly implied that the majority of the ArQuives’ collection has been digitized, that QPIRG stands for “Quebec Public Interest Research Group,” and that the QPIRG Alternative Library charges an additional fee of $5 for use. The article has since been updated for accuracy.

The Daily regrets these errors.

The post Archiving For Social Justice appeared first on The McGill Daily.

The protest in Montreal is just one of hundreds across the world organized in response to the killing of 22-year old Mahsa (Jina) Amini by Iran’s “morality police.” Amini was initially arrested by the morality police for her failure to comply with Iran’s mandatory hijab laws. While in the police van, according to the testimonies of her co-detainees, Amini was brutally assaulted by officers. 

The official explanation for Amini’s death was that she passed away from multiple organ failure as a result of pre-existing conditions, but that explanation has been contested by Amini’s family. According to those closest to Amini, she had no medical history that would cause her to drop dead suddenly. Leaked hospital records also showed evidence of skull fractures, a brain hemorrhage, and a brain edema, further contradicting the official government explanation. In a since deleted post on social media, the hospital that Amini was admitted to confirmed that she was brain-dead upon arrival.

Before the march began, the organizers played the song “Baraye” by Shervin Hajipour on loudspeakers. The song, the title of which translates directly to “because of,” is made up of dozens of tweets from Iranian women that state why they are protesting. After garnering over 40 million views in just 48 hours, the song was taken down from Iran’s internet and Hajipour was jailed.

While the song was playing, several women cut their hair in an emotional display of solidarity and protest. The reason for this form of protest traces its roots in ancient Iranian history, where women have shaved their heads in protest for thousands of years. The practice is even mentioned in Shahnameh, an ancient Persian epic and cultural touchstone of Iran.

The Daily spoke with several Iranian citizens who joined the Montreal protest who reiterated that Amini’s killing was not an isolated incident. “It’s been going on for years, this is just a continuation of previous demonstrations. Every time something like this happens, there are protests, and there are crackdowns,” one protestor told the Daily on the condition of anonymity. 

Another protestor said that she was interviewed by the Daily in 1994 during another protest for Iranian women’s rights. At the time, they were demonstrating to commemorate the death of Homa Darabi, a 54-year old Iranian pediatrician and activist who, in a form of protest, had removed her hijab and set herself on fire in a crowded Tehran public square. Dr. Darabi died of her injuries the next day. “I think it is really important that we keep saying her name, and for your readers to know why we keep doing this,” she said, “This is not the first time that we’ve come out here, but we hope that it will be the last.”

Iran’s mandatory hijab laws officially came into effect in 1983, four years after the Islamic Revolution which put the fundamentalist cleric Ruhollah Khomenei in power. Penalties for violating the hijab laws were only introduced to Iran’s criminal code in the 90s. One of the protestors, who was a child at the time of the revolution, told the Daily “little by little, they added laws and took away our freedoms.” 

Several protestors in attendance held signs reading “Woman, Life, Freedom,” a slogan that has become a battle cry for Iranian women. Others held long banners that read “No To Islamic Republic,” while some held posters of Mahsa and other victims of Iranian government violence.

After four weeks of protests in the streets of Iran, at least 185 protestors have been killed including 19 minors. Some protestors, afraid to go to the hospital for fear of being arrested, have resorted to finding doctors online to learn to treat their own wounds. Government officials pin the blame on a host of different political enemies, including Kurdish groups. 

The government has also severely restricted access to the internet in the country in an effort to halt attempts to organize. Riot police also raided Sharif University, one of the country’s largest educational institutions, after widespread student protests. Thus far, the Iranian government’s efforts to crack down on dissent seems to have backfired, only increasing awareness and resolve among Iranians and the global community at large.

While  protesters were hopeful, there remained a sense that these incidents will continue to happen unless there is a regime change. “The Islamic Republic of Iran is not Iran. We have a long history as a free country and we will overcome this regime.” said one protestor. When asked if he had hope for the future he said, “We will see […] maybe this is a turning point, maybe it isn’t, but we know that this[ regime] cannot last forever.”

Protestors are continuing to organize in solidarity in Montreal, with the Coalition for Iranian Human Rights McGill (CIHRM) organizing a candlelight vigil on October 7. You can continue to follow organizations like CIHRM for future action. 

The post Thousands Gather in Support of Iranian Womens’ Rights appeared first on The McGill Daily.