In an attempt to regulate immigration, the provincial government is restricting the number of Quebec Selection Certificates (CSQs) awarded to immigrants, an essential document for achieving permanent resident status. This will effectively freeze immigration pathways through the Quebec Experience Program (PEQ) graduate stream and the Regular Skilled Workers Program (RSWP), targeting foreign students and workers attempting to attain permanent residency in Canada.

Since the program’s introduction in 2010, the PEQ has been indispensable in facilitating the path to permanent residency for international students in Quebec. Established to make it easier for employers to hire qualified graduates already familiar with the province, the program primarily serves graduate students who have studied in Quebec for at least two years. But in recent reforms, international students — specifically anglophones — are finding it increasingly difficult to find a permanent home in Quebec. New requirements include advanced French proficiency

for primary applicants and application caps from specific countries, making the program much more selective. With this suspension in place, the number of students obtaining permanent residency in Quebec is projected to drop from 19,000 to 15,000 in 2025.

The RSWP, set to transition to the Skilled Worker Selection Program at the end of the month, has allowed immigrants to reside permanently in Quebec, given a declaration of interest in immigrating to the province for work. Foreign workers and students have been targeted with harsh rhetoric and animosity in the face of Canada’s housing crisis and are now faced with the possibility of losing both their jobs and their homes.

Immigration Minister Jean- Francois Roberge claims that pausing both programs will allow Quebec to gain more control over immigration and further limit the number of admissions of immigrants under permanent programs. This comes after years of claims that immigrants settling in the province has been detrimental to Quebec’s language and culture. The projected rate of immigration for 2025 is actually much higher than the projections of previous years – but now with the goal of admitting upwards of 80% francophone immigrants.

The province claims to be committed to a “balanced, diverse immigration strategy,” but many believe the suspension of the PEQ and the RSWP is in stark contrast to this. The new immigration plan has caused uproar from opposing parties; the Legault government has been slammed by leaders of the Parti Quebecois and the Quebec Liberal Party, both of whom have criticized the policy as an inadequate solution to the province’s immigration issues.

Migrants already living and working or studying in Quebec have been protesting across the province, saying that the new policies are detrimental. For many, their short-term status is precarious, and this suspension threatens their safety. Workers or students seeking asylum in Montreal have banded together with support from the Immigrant Workers Centre and Migrante Quebec, among other organizations, to protest the suspension and advocate for respect and acceptance from the community. International students have rallied across the city, pressuring the Ministry of Immigration to re-evaluate the suspension. Foreign workers continue to make their voices known by calling for recognition by the government and planning strikes to prove their indispensable roles within the economy and the community.

Canada continues to limit immigration pathways for those seeking asylum in permanent status. The Quebec government’s immigration policy will further complicate the lives of international students and foreign workers throughout the province who want Quebec to become their forever home.

The post Quebec Closes Doors on Permanent Residency Pathways appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Under the administration of Francois Legault and the Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ), the provincial parliament passed Bill 96 in June 2022. The bill is meant to solidify Francophone and French language rights province-wide. It has received heavy criticism following its release due to its treatment of business regulation in French, the freeze on English CEGEP students, and the six month window for immigrants to learn the French language.

Although this bill has been in effect for an extended period, this is one of the PLQ’s first clear proposals to combat it. They seek to implement a Quebec constitution that protects English language rights across the province and fights back against certain Bill 96 restrictions. This was seen as progress for the many families and lives affected by this change in the language laws. Following Bill 96’s enactment, anglophone citizens across Quebec have been concerned about how they might fit into a province that does not want them to speak their first language.

Many English-speaking immigrants find the transition between beginner’s French and French fluency difficult, especially within six months. Between 2022 and 2023, the province saw an increase of 52,800 immigrants, all of whom would be required to obtain an intermediate level of French, potentially coming with no experience in the language. Furthermore, the freeze on English CEGEP programs puts Anglophone middle and high schoolers in situations where they cannot begin their education with the CEGEP program due to their lack of fluency in French.

Many businesses have also been concerned about closure since they cannot keep up with the French advertising and sign laws. Places such as music stores across Quebec have struggled to find French branding for their instruments, which could result in heavy fines for businesses.

Many members of the PLQ were unhappy with the bill’s passing. Deepak Awasti, who is currently running to be the head of the PLQ in the upcoming election, criticized Bill 96, stating, “We seem to be going back to the old founding nations thesis. In this document, we are talking about the aspirations of the French nation vis-à-vis Canada. We are not talking about the aspirations of all Quebecers. […] I don’t want Quebec to be ethnicized. I don’t want Quebec to become the petit-Québec.”

People across the province are concerned about the passing of this bill, and the PLQ have had to hastily construct a response to it. Current PLQ members, including André Pratt and William Tetley, proposed and passed a motion to create a clearly outlined Quebec constitution. This proposed constitution would strengthen Anglophone rights by restoring certain restrictions put in place by Bill 96, such as access to healthcare in English or the previously mentioned English student CEGEP freeze across the province.

Amidst all this action, the PLQ is in the process of electing its new leader while discussing how to combat these laws and strengthen Francophone and Anglophone relations. The province is not due for another election until October 2026, and it is unlikely that the current CAQ will call for one. In light of the upcoming federal election in October 2025, we are seeing an increased effort by the PLQ to distance themselves from the currently unfavoured federal Liberal Party, which across Canada has not been viewed well due to their handling of the housing crisis and large country deficit – a price deficit that is also present in Quebec at currently around $11 billion. Pablo Rodriguez, a former Federal Liberal member of parliament who stepped down to run for the leader of the PLQ, gained strides in support during the debate in Lévis, with people chanting his name as he arrived outside. Rodriguez has also faced criticism from other party members, who say they do not want any Federal Liberals to have significant power in the PLQ due to Canada’s current national debt.

Many people across Quebec feel uncertain about how Anglophone rights will change with Bill 96. The Daily had the chance to interview an international student at McGill, who said that “the amount of French language laws and regulations was previously a deterrent on coming to Quebec for me. If, further down the line, even more language requirements came into effect, it would’ve affected my decision to even come here at all.” To many people, Quebec is their home and one they want to keep for the future. If this constitution is passed, it could make strides for Anglophone rights across the province, uniting people who both want to see the French language stay alive and those who want to come here not knowing but wanting to learn the language and make Quebec their home. The basis of this constitution is not to diminish Francophone rights across the province but instead to find harmony between the English and French languages and determine their use in everyday situations. A province does not have to exist in the context of one language or another, and this constitution would fight to make it so that both Anglophones and Francophones feel at home
in Quebec.

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The Anti-Coloniale Student Convergence (CEAC) and Association générale des étudiantes et étudiants du Collège Lionel-Groulx (AGEECLG) planned a counter-summit protest at Place Emilie-Gamelin that Friday at 4:30 p.m., which would later merge with the larger demonstration at 5:30 p.m. on Sainte-Catherine and Saint-Urbain. These students took to the streets to oppose what they call NATO’s “destructive logic” and to reject its role in spreading “imperialism, militarism, and colonialism.”
“I want people to know that it’s not a war, it’s really genocide, and NATO are supporting this genocide,” a student from Collège Lionel-Groulx said.

NATO has long been referred to as “the West’s great military alliance.” Originally assembled in 1949, NATO formed to create a collective opposition to the USSR during the Cold War, leading to their assertion of military power in the pursuit of Soviet containment across the world. After the disassembly of the Soviet Union, NATO expanded its legions, inducting multiple post-Soviet states and European countries into the confederation. Today, NATO presents itself as a “defensive alliance,” as US President Biden stated in an address, that protects the interests of US hegemonic imperialism.

Despite its long-standing collective defence mission, NATO has faced increased scrutiny from public opinion in recent years. In the days approaching the conference, activists have demanded that Canada withdraw from the organization.

The Daily spoke with students from Collège Lionel-Groulx about their perspectives on NATO. Many believe that the organization is a military alliance funded by Western capitalists willing to do anything to expand the Western imperial agenda. Their perspectives echo some of the prominent public criticisms of NATO’s past operations, which have sparked significant debate over the alliance’s true motivations and its commitment to international law.

NATO’s previous foreign interventions have been referenced as examples to back the public’s opinions that the organization serves a Western imperialist agenda.

For example, NATO’s Operation Allied Force against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999 raised concerns over international humanitarian law: NATO conducted a bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for 78 days, prompted by Yugoslavia’s bloodshed and ethnic cleansing of Albanians in the Kosovo regions. To this day, there exists complex political tensions between Serbia and Kosovo.

In 2011, NATO established a No-Fly Zone over Libya, heeding the United Nations’ international call to protect the Libyan people from Muammar Gaddafi’s regime. Over the span of eight months, deploying 7,000 bombing sorties against Gaddafi’s forces, NATO’s military intervention in Libya concluded after the assassination of Gaddafi. However, the country spiralled into chaos and came under threat from violent extremists in the aftermath of the Muammar Gaddafi
regime’s ostracization.

Barack Obama has said that his “worst mistake” during his presidency was “failing to plan for the day after […] intervening in Libya.” Obama further conceded that NATO’s intervention “didn’t work.” White House spokesman at the time, Josh Earnest, said that Obama’s regrets extended to what “the United States and the rest of the members of our coalition didn’t do.”

The Libya intervention exemplifies NATO’s poorly conceived global security agenda. Framed as a mission to dismantle Gaddafi’s repressive regime, NATO failed to consider the critical need for a stable central government in a nation already grappling with chaos. The aftermath left Libya in deeper turmoil, prompting widespread skepticism about NATO’s true motivations, questioning the organization’s imperialist tendencies and Western-centric political agenda.

Most recently, under Joe Biden’s leadership this past July, NATO promised an additional 40 billion euros of military and financial support for Ukraine in its defence against the Russian army, two years after Russia launched the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. However, the year-long war in Gaza has been largely ignored by most NATO members.

Friday’s anti-NATO protest was conjoined with a pro-Palestine protest led by the Divest for Palestine Collective. The organization announced their message to “NATO and to governments complicit in the oppression of people around the world” in a press release on November 24 stating that “peace cannot be built through arms and repression. It is built through solidarity between peoples and resistance to oppression in all its forms.”

Student activists from Le Collège Lionel-Groulx, who wished to remain anonymous, voiced their opinions, calling out NATO’s failure to act in not supporting the people of Gaza. “It’s hypocrisy. Why would you say that you support human rights, but then when it’s also about other cultures, like from Arabic countries, why are you not showing up?” one of the students said.

“Right now, they’re meeting in Montreal because of global security and all, but they don’t care about the 43,000 people that are dead in Gaza.* I think it’s not logical that Israel is part of it and does things against the principles that they support,” another student told the Daily.

This past July, Spain’s Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez emphasized the need for NATO to adopt a consistent political stance, urging the alliance to avoid double standards in addressing global conflicts like those in Gaza and Ukraine. Speaking at the NATO Public Forum in Washington, D.C., Sanchez argued, “If we are telling our people that we are supporting Ukraine because we are defending international law, this is the same [as] what we have to do towards Gaza.”

The Daily also spoke with several students from the University of Montreal who echoed this sentiment, expressing their concerns over NATO’s inaction. “They’re walking on eggshells. They don’t want to go deep into the problem, and they only stay on the surface. Unfortunately, it’s not enough,” they said.
The Service de Police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) closely monitored the protest, deploying bicycles, mounted officers on horses, patrol cars, and vans to encircle the crowd completely.

“This is a significant step toward building a collective force for change and advancing decolonial education,” a speaker announced during the protest. “It’s thanks to all of you who voted ‘yes’ to the strike and to those who are here in the streets with us today. Together, as a community, we can work toward freeing Palestine. Remember, this is both a continuation of the struggles that came before us and the beginning of those yet to come.” With these words, the protesters began to move to the location of the general demonstration.

Later that evening, the protest escalated as the SPVM used chemical irritants and physical force, leading to at least four people being injured and sent to the hospital. One protester was clubbed over the head by an officer, and the SPVM assaulted first-aiders on the scene. Three protesters were arrested by the SPVM for “impeding police work.” Since these events, politicians across the country, including Defence Minister Bill Blair and Quebec Premier François Legault, have claimed that the protest was explicitly antisemitic, unlawful, and violent. The Divest for Palestine Collective refuted their statements, saying that “these are false accusations aimed at delegitimizing the solidarity movement for the liberation of Palestine and undermining the fight against anti-Semitism.”

* The death toll in Gaza is over 44,000 today.

The post Anti-NATO and Pro-Palestinian Activists Call For Canada’s Withdrawal From NATO appeared first on The McGill Daily.

“In the last few weeks, our students have been arrested, detained, and even physically brutalized, all while conducting non-violent political demonstrations,” said Danna Ballantyne, the CSU’s External Affairs and Mobilization Coordinator. “We deserve to come to campus to learn and to have open dialogue without fearing for our safety.”

In the past semester, Concordia students protesting their university’s involvement in Israel’s genocide in Gaza have faced repression from both the police and the Concordia administration. The CSU reported that the university has charged at least 25 students with academic tribunals and suspensions for Palestine solidarity actions. On September 25, three students were violently arrested and detained in the Guy-Concordia metro station following a protest on campus. On October 31, students held a demonstration to protest the aforementioned arrests and disciplinary measures. Concordia responded by arresting two more students.

In addition to brutality by the Montreal police (SPVM), speakers at the press conference denounced the response of Concordia Security and Prevention Services (CSPS) to student protests. They specifically demanded that CSPS abolish five practices: following students off-campus, conducting citizens’ arrests, physical apprehension and detainment, preemptively coordinating responses to demonstrations with police, and facilitating police brutality and arrest instead of de-escalation.

Concordia spokesperson Vannina Maestracci told the Daily that “SPVM officers are only called by Campus Safety and Prevention Services agents and other community members when necessary and in accordance with Concordia’s policies. CSPS agents are trained in de-escalation, and that is always the primary objective of their response.”

She described the events of October 31 as “a sad example of circumstances deemed to warrant SPVM intervention as an agent was assaulted and others were blocked as they attempted to assist their colleague.”

In a follow-up email, Ballantyne described the CSPS’s actions on October 31 as “extremely escalatory. […] Student testimonies from October 31 allege that certain CSPS agents were seen restraining one of their fellow colleagues from accosting student protestors,” she wrote. “While I can’t speak directly to any claims of assault against these agents, footage of the events that took place on that day only show violence directed towards students.”

Vanessa Massot, Academic and Advocacy Coordinator at the CSU, argued that CSPS’s practices are particularly harmful to racialized students. They referenced the 1969 occupation of the computer labs, where the SPVM brutalized Black students protesting anti-Black racism, leading to the death of a student. President Graham Carr only apologized on Concordia’s behalf for their actions in 1969 in 2022. Massot called on Carr to honour that apology by preventing future police brutality on campus.
Massot’s comments were corroborated by Adam, a Black student and former student association executive, who “experienced firsthand the racial profiling and targeted surveillance that persists at [Concordia].” He described being followed, questioned, and threatened by CSPS for participating in peaceful gatherings.

“The administration continues to champion its commitment to diversity and so-called inclusion,” he said. “But how can those words hold any meaning when students face the same regulatory practices that were echoed all the way back in 1969?”

Abe Berglas, SSMU Vice President University Affairs, told the Daily that criminalizing student protests against the genocide in Palestine “is a really dangerous precedent.” They expressed concern about SPVM presence on Concordia’s campus, given that the Quebec Superior Court recently found racial profiling to be a “systemic problem” within the force. While security guards are different from cops, Berglas also argued that “they often end up perpetuating the same systems of oppression that cops do.”

When asked about the situation at McGill, Berglas confirmed that students have also faced disciplinary charges and physical aggression from security when protesting the genocide in Palestine. Over the summer, McGill frequently collaborated with the SPVM to respond to student protests, including the dismantlement of the Palestine solidarity encampment in July. Most recently, McGill security and the SPVM used tear gas to shut down a pro-Palestine protest on October 7.

However, Berglas believes that McGill students may have some advantages over their counterparts at Concordia.

“I feel as though McGill gets a lot of public attention because it’s seen as a prestigious school, and that also means that protestors get more sympathy,” they explained. “We are more protected knowing that if we go to the press, they’re more likely to take on our story.”

Concordia students are also looking to the press to share their outrage and demand change from their administration.

“This press conference is a plea to the Concordia administration to take seriously the issue of police brutality on their campus and to instill an accountability mechanism for the administration who has been abusing their institutional power instead of acting responsibly and in the interest of their own students’ safety,” said Massot.

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At McGill, on October 5th, Students for Palestine’s Honour and Resistance (SPHR) organized a rally at Roddick Gates to emphasize the urgency of solidarity and action for Palestine. These demonstrators joined a Montreal-wide protest at Place des Arts, rallying for Palestinian rights and collaborating with organizations like the Palestinian Youth Movement and ANSWER Coalition, among others.

Hundreds attended the protest outside of campus, bringing to light the number of students advocating for Palestinian rights against Israel’s violence and calling for change from the McGill administration. A counter-protest in support of Israel added to the tense environment, demonstrating the divided opinions on campus. As violence in Gaza has escalated, McGill has seen a surge in student activism – further fueled by the recent violence in Lebanon. From September 11 to October 1 of 2023, the McGill Board of Governors’ Committee on Sustainability and Social Responsibility (CSSR) invited community input on divestment from military-linked companies through a webform. Many students and groups such as SPHR viewed the CSSR’s invitation for community input as a superficial gesture, reflecting institutional resistance to meaningful action on social justice issues, especially given that McGill had previously initiated similar surveys without making concrete commitments to divestment. A student referendum from Fall 2023 showed 79 per cent support for the University’s divestment. This said, the administration’s injunction to prevent the policy’s ratification has only bolstered activists’ resolve.

The encampment on campus at the end of last semester highlighted strong resistance to McGill’s ties to military corporations, prompting intensified discussions on divestment and student opinions regarding the administration’s response. This encampment was established on campus for 75 days throughout the summer, rallying for Palestinian rights, until it was forcibly dismantled by police and private security hired by the university.

Social media, especially Instagram, has been pivotal for student activist groups like SPHR in spreading information about protests and rallying support on campus. Platforms like Instagram allow these groups to share updates, testimonials, and calls to action, amplifying their message within the McGill community and beyond. Hashtags like #PalestinianRights have broadened visibility, empowering activists to critique Western media narratives and address concerns about transparency. Support from groups such as the McGill Indigenous Student Alliance, Independent Jewish Voices McGill, and Divest McGill have further boosted visibility, demonstrating how solidarity among different movements on campus amplifies engagement for the Palestinian cause and strengthens the sense of community.

National and international student organizations called for a “Week of Rage” from October 7 to 11, encouraging students to walk out, rally, and disrupt classes in support of Palestinian justice. Many viewed participation as a moral obligation, framing it as essential for awareness. In response, McGill sought an injunction from the Quebec Superior Court against SPHR, granted on October 8, restricting protests near university entrances. McGill’s actions exemplify how institutions respond to student activism with legal measures, galvanizing activists further in their calls for accountability.

McGill’s Deputy Provost Angela Campbell and Vice-President Fabrice Labeau voiced concern and support for students’ protest rights, while simultaneously framing the injunction as necessary to maintain academic integrity. This mirrors broader trends across North America, where university administrations are balancing support for student activism with enforcing institutional policies. On October 7, protests also erupted at several universities in the U.S. Students from institutions including Columbia University, UC Berkeley, and others voiced opposition to administrative decisions they saw as hindrances to justice-oriented movements. At Columbia, students rallied in support of Palestinian rights, urging the administration to take a stronger stance. Similarly, at UC Berkeley, students expressed frustration with perceived inaction by their leadership, highlighting a shared tension across campuses as students continue to advocate for social justice causes despite institutional challenges.

Over the past year, student protests have highlighted a growing commitment to social justice, often in alignment with broader global movements. At McGill, organizations like SPHR have worked to sustain this momentum by collaborating with faculty initiatives such as Profs4Palestine to host public discussions and conferences. These efforts echo actions at other campuses, where student groups have united under the shared goal of advocating for Palestinian rights as part of a larger push for global justice. One activist remarked to the Daily that “being here today is about standing up for justice and showing that we won’t be silent.”

The post Student Activist Efforts A Year After October 7th appeared first on The McGill Daily.

In an interview with the Montreal Gazette, Stéphanie Vachon, a representative of the Early Childhood Education sector, spoke about the current state of childcare workers in Quebec and the ongoing negotiations with the Quebec government. “Right now, the government should ask us what it can do to keep the staff in place. We hope that this will put pressure to obtain more dates for negotiations, more serious discussions and a commitment from the employer to really resolve the staff shortage in the long term,” Vachon said.

During a rally in Montreal, Vachon further emphasized the importance for the Quebec government to recognize the vital work childcare workers conduct in the public sector. “I think there’s an emergency to react, for the government to realize that it’s a profession that needs to be respected,” said Vachon.

As of right now, the biggest concern for childcare workers in Quebec are salaries. According to Lucie Longchamp, vice-president of the FSSS, the average childcare worker in Quebec is paid between $42,000 and $44,000 per year. “It’s not a big sum of money for the important work they do. They make a big difference in children’s lives,” said Longchamp at the Montreal rally. “Children who are well-equipped in a quality educational service will enter school one step ahead. […] The network is suffering a great deal at the moment, and they need to understand that enough is enough.”

On the bargaining table, the Quebec government is offering childcare workers a 12.7 per cent pay increase over the next five years, while a counter-offer from public-sector unions demanded a 17.4 per cent raise over the same time.

Longchamp explained that the strike mandate will adapt to the context of the negotiations. The strike could shape into later daycare openings, earlier closures, or even full days’ absences. However, Longchamp made it clear that the strike would last up to five days. To provide fair warning and ensure parents are adequately prepared, strike dates and hours will be announced at least ten days in advance.

A province wide-strike in the childcare sector looms over Quebec in the month of November as negotiations continue between the CSN and the Quebec government. The future of childcare services in Quebec remain unknown.

The post Childcare Workers on Strike appeared first on The McGill Daily.

“Overwriting Palestine: History, Genocide and Denial Today” is the title of the seventh installation of the “On Gaza” speaker series co-sponsored by the Critical Media Lab (CML) and the Research Group on Democracy, Space and Technology (RGDST). On Monday, October 10, students and faculty were invited to come listen to Dr. Ussama Makdisi talk about the importance of acknowledging the active denial and replacement of Palestinian history and the importance of promoting and supporting Palestinian narratives. Dr. Makdisi, is a Professor of History and Chancellor’s Chair at the University of California Berkeley.

Co-organizer Professor Ipek Türeli emphasized the importance for universities to have an active role in challenging dominant Western narratives. “What has been unfolding before our eyes in Gaza and now in Lebanon on media screens is not an issue that is detached from our campus, nor from our academic communities. Students and faculty demand for events such as the “On Gaza” series which are critical to imagining liberated futures for all of us.”

In the past year the whole world has witnessed the killing of an estimated 43,000 Palestinians, a majority of which are children, women and elderly, and over 2,865 Lebanese people, by the Israeli military. Scholars and media have categorized the ongoing brutal killing of Palestinians as the “first livestreamed genocide in history,” however Dr. Makdisi insisted that facts are not enough. He explained that “Calling history into question helps us understand how colonialism in the name of protecting civilization has been legitimized and what is ethically unbearable becomes morally tolerated.” The lecture he gave provided the answer, shedding light on “the ruthless double standard which underlies Western support of Zionism, with Jewish and Israeli life cherished as part of an alleged enlightened Europe after World War II, while Christian and Muslim Palestinian life and history is devalued.”

Makdisi continued his lecture by discussing the history of Palestine, the rise of Zionism and the systematic work of Western liberal leaders and thinkers for the past hundred years to not only deny Palestinians of their history, but also substitute it with Eurocentric visions and racist portrayals. He emphasized that we should go beyond obvious denial of history, and focus on what it has been substituted for. What is actually chosen to be talked about? And how does this play into the passivity we see around us?

The central issue discussed in the talk was how we approach history, emphasizing the need to recognize the instrumentalization of historical narratives and misinformation in shaping public opinion and influencing the international community’s response to the genocide in Gaza.
“The obvious reality is that long before October 7, there was October 6, and October 5, going all the way back to 1948, and before that 1917, and before that 1897 when European Jewish Zionist nationalists met in Basel to put Herzl’s vision of a Jewish State in motion […] even when they knew that there were people living on that land,” explained Dr. Makdisi.

While the Holocaust was a turning point in solidifying international sympathy to the Zionist cause and led to a massive displacement of European Jews, Dr. Makdisi pointed out that neither the U.S. or Britain allowed for big waves of migrations into their territories. Instead they pushed for European Jewish survivors to settle in Palestine in the name of “decency and humanitarianism.” This led to the 1947 UN partition plan, “which gave the Jewish minority a majority of Palestine.” The Nakba followed as a result of this partition plan, with Zionist militias expelling between 750,000 and one million Palestinians from their homelands and forcing them into refugee status.

He explained in this partition plan western leaders “rationalized the idea that the creation of a Jewish state trumped the suffering of Palestinians, and that the natives of this land were irrational, primitives, and aggressive, because they opposed what Western philosophers and politicians thought of as a fundamentally decent and good thing.” Before adding that for the next 60 to 70 years the “consistent denial of the Palestinian relation to Palestinian land and the substitution of Palestinian history with a different narrative had profoundly corrosive moral, political and ethical effects.”

Dr. Makdisi concluded his presentation by highlighting three dominant dogmas. The first is that, in the liberal West, questioning Israel as a Jewish state — regardless of its actions or history — is proscribed, as it challenges the West’s self-perception as having moved beyond its antisemitic past. The second is the philo-Zionist view of Israel as an extension of an idealized West. The third dogma is that Palestinians are increasingly erased—not only stripped of historical context but also depicted as incompatible with Western humanism. Except when they are considered “negative value” as expressed by Palestinian scholar Edward Said, and any attempt to challenge this narrative is framed as violent or antisemitic.

The lecture was aimed at helping us understand the “self-righteous morality” that has been widespread since October 7, 2023. Makdisi highlighted how despite the clear evidence of genocide most Western leaders and politicians are reluctant to acknowledge this history and condemn Israel’s genocidal actions.

Dr. Diana Allan, associate professor in Anthropology at the Institute for the Study of International Development at McGill and co-founder of the Critical Media Lab, told the Daily that “Ussama Makdisi’s scholarship has done so much to illuminate the richness of Palestinian civilization in the multireligious Ottoman Mashriqi region prior to the Nakba, and to trace how the historical arc of Zionism — a European solution to a European problem — began in racist ignorance and erasure of that world, and bends now toward its complete destruction.” She added that “his talk was a rigorously detailed reminder of the devastating cost of mainstream anti-Palestinian colonial ideology, which our governments and institutions continue to uphold.”

Another point Dr. Makdisi touched upon was the crucial role of students in the creation of new narratives. “The students in particular who have not been indoctrinated in the same way into this liberal language and narrative […] who are empathizing with people that they can see suffering, and are not overwriting that suffering with a completely ideological narrative, are outraged. And the students represent the future,” he told the audience.

Will Roberts, co-organiser alongside Professor Türeli, wrote to the Daily saying that “the importance of Dr. Makdisi’s talk — and of the “On Gaza” series in general — is that there is far too little basic truth-telling in the academy about the ongoing genocide in Gaza.” He denounced the McGill administration for making “the University into a space hostile to basic public scholarship and truth-telling, stoking people’s fears and inciting paranoia.” One example of this hostility was the vandalization of posters promoting Dr. Makdisi’s talk, even during the event itself.

“It is so clear, once you know some history, that racism, apartheid, [and] the weaponization of charges of antisemitism will not succeed in making Palestinians disappear as people, nor stop them or their allies around the world of all faiths from fighting and advocating for liberation,” Dr. Makdisi concluded. “But until that future is achieved each of us has a fundamental choice to make. Each of us has to decide on which side of history we want to stand.”

The livestream of the event is available on YouTube: www.youtube.com/live/ORq2yUC1dd0. You can follow the Critical Media Lab on social media to stay updated with their upcoming events.

The post Dr. Makdisi on Overwriting Palestine: History, Genocide and Denial Today appeared first on The McGill Daily.

The four countries accuse the Taliban authorities of “gross and systemic” violations of women’s rights under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), adopted in 1979 and signed by Afghanistan in 2003.

Since its return to power in August 2021, the Taliban has shocked the world with the implementation of the law on “virtue and vice,” which aims at completely erasing women from the public sphere. Enforced by the “morality police,” this law includes restrictions such as:

• barring women from accessing secondary and university education;
• prohibiting women from travelling more than 72 kilometres without a male relative;
• prohibiting women from participating in sports and from entering public areas like parks;
• barring women from raising their voices in public and from looking at men other than their husbands or relatives.

Since the Taliban authorities seized power, it has been reported that nearly 60,000 women-owned businesses were negatively impacted by these restrictions. Amnesty International reports that, in a matter of two months (between June and July 2023), nearly 4,500 women were dismissed from jobs in education.Numerous UN agencies have also reported a sobering surge in forced marriages, child marriages, gender violence, and femicide.

As a result of these accusations, and the aforementioned restrictions, Afghanistan under the Taliban is considered to be the most restrictive regime in its treatment of women. If the hearing proceeds, this will be the first time in history that a country is taken to the ICJ for its violations of CEDAW and will therefore make a solid legal precedent in international law regarding gender prosecution.

The decision to take the Taliban authorities to court comes at a time when many Afghan women and activists feel that the world has forgotten about their struggle due to the international community’s silence on the issue. Living under such restrictive regulations, women do what they can to resist. Some women hold secret classes, while others participate in public campaigns where they share their singing on social media platforms as a protest against recent prohibitions from speaking in public. Some groups continue trying to attract the world’s attention through interviews and activism abroad.
According to the rules of the international court, once the plea is submitted against a party, there is a waiting period of six months in order for both parties to solve their issue without court interference. If this goes unanswered, the case proceeds before the ICJ. While the ICJ is a powerful international body, the rulings of which are legally binding for member-states, it lacks the means to actually enforce its decisions.

The decision to take the Taliban to court has been applauded around the world. In fact, 22 countries have issued a joint statement condemning the Taliban’s violations of the CEDAW: “We […] condemn the gross and systematic human rights violations and abuses in Afghanistan, particularly the gender-based discrimination against women and girls.” But what can this proceeding actually do to help Afghan women in their struggle against this “gender apartheid?”

The Taliban authorities can, in theory, simply ignore the proceeding. However, the Taliban has long been seeking international recognition, which has not been granted. Thus, being taken to court for human rights violations might put a higher price on the Taliban’s practices by inciting other countries to adopt unfavourable diplomatic attitudes towards the regime through sanctions such as maintaining travel bans for members of the Taliban regime, keeping the assets of the Afghanistan Central Bank frozen, limiting corporate cooperation with other countries thus disrupting the production chain of certain goods, and so on.

Some speculate that the recent increase in restrictions issued by the Taliban is actually a strategic play used by the authorities to bargain in negotiations with other states, possibly within the context of the international court proceedings.

The decision to take the Taliban to ICJ marks a significant shift in the way the international community reacts to such blatant human rights violations and gender-based discrimination. By taking risks that can cost them their freedom or even life, the brave Afghan women have brought the issue to the fore of international attention and have initiated tangible legal actions to challenge the wrongs they face.

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The series kicked off on October 21 with a free community dinner at SSMU’s Flex Space, catered by the Midnight Kitchen Collective. As a casual introduction to the deeper discussions and activities of the week, attendees gathered to share a vegan meal – an informal opportunity for participants to connect with each other before the week’s more structured workshops. Those attending – whether long-time activists or newcomers to the space – expressed a shared enthusiasm for working toward tangible social change. Organic discussion of topics like migrant justice, Indigenous rights, and the history of radical movements in Montreal fostered a strong sense of community, underscoring the significance of informal spaces in movement-building.

One of the most anticipated workshops of the week was held on October 23, titled “How to Design an Effective Political Image.” Hosted at QPIRG-Concordia, the seminar taught participants the principles of impactful design as a form of protest. Led by facilitators from the International Development Studies Students Association (IDSSA), SSMU External Affairs, and QPIRG-McGill, the workshop began by exploring how images function as powerful tools in political movements by shaping narratives and evoking emotion to engage and mobilize the public. Attendees learned the basics of composition, colour theory, and symbolism — elements critical to political imagery. The seminar also covered practical techniques like spray-painting and wheat-pasting, offering hands-on guidance in producing and disseminating these images.

The session emphasized how political imagery must be both bold and accessible as a visual call to action. The discussion of real-world examples, from historical posters to contemporary protest art, provided a rich context for understanding how art and activism intertwine.

For those who missed the initial events, the remainder of Culture Shock 2024 offers a diverse lineup aimed at educating and empowering participants. Other highlights from the first week included the Radical Walking Tour of Milton-Parc, on October 22, exploring the neighborhood’s history of activism and its ties to McGill, as well as the Intro to Canadian Imperialism workshop led by Professor Tyler Shipley on October 24, diving into Canada’s colonial past and its lasting effects on global politics. In addition, on October 25, participants joined the Zine-Making Workshop led by volunteers from the Prisoner Correspondence Project, which focuses on the significance of zines in leftist movements.

The second week brings even more opportunities for engagement. The Panel on the History of Montreal Activism will take place on October 28, gathering speakers from various grassroots organizations to discuss the city’s rich legacy of anti-imperialism and community organizing. On October 29, a second Radical Walking Tour is scheduled, meeting at QPIRG-McGill (3516 Parc Ave.), while Lupa ay Buhay (Land is Life) will be held the same evening. Participants can also look forward to the CKUTea x Music Lib Listening Party on November 1, rounding out the week’s activities. Each of these events offers unique opportunities to engage with critical issues and gain practical tools for activism.

Culture Shock 2024 positions itself as a vital part of the ongoing conversation around social justice at McGill University and in the wider Montreal community. Through its diverse programming, the event series has not only educated participants but also fostered spaces for solidarity and action. Whether building community while creating powerful art or bonding over a shared meal, the series demonstrates that transformation begins when individuals come together with a collective purpose, equipping participants with practical skills, meaningful connections, and the inspiration needed to drive real change.

For upcoming Culture Shock events, check out @qpirgmcgill on Instagram or qpirgmcgill.org/cs/.

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In October 2018, McGill became Canada’s first post-secondary institution to celebrate QHM. This initiative was kickstarted by Meryem Benslimane, the former education advisor of the Equity Team, a group that facilitates the university’s LGBTQ+ events. In addition to the Equity Team, this year’s events are organized by Queer McGill, the Subcommittee on Queer People, the Union for Gender Empowerment, the Department of Family Medicine, and the Indigenous Health Professions Program. This month’s events are designed to further stimulate community involvement amongst students, faculty members, and graduates.

Sophie*, a student at McGill, stresses the importance of “queer communities that are racially and ethnically diverse to help people come to terms with the intersectionality of their identities,” similar to how she found acceptance in her identity through other women of colour at school.

While these activities are first and foremost celebrations, Christopher Manfredi, the Provost and Executive Vice President (Academic), who partners with the Equity Team, notes that it is also important to acknowledge McGill’s efforts to combat any systemic barriers LGBTQ+ people face on campus. Providing a space to discuss these grievances represents this year’s theme of “visibility,” which concentrates on access to sexual and gender care for two-spirited, transgender, and gender-non-affirming people. The Two-Spirit, Trans, and Nonbinary in Academia virtual roundtable on October 15 addressed issues in navigating identity in academia. Speakers included Dr. Jae Ford, who addressed inequities in the health care system; Raiya Taha Thomure, who advocated for justice through sport/non-sport movements; and Hazel Ali Zaman-Gonzalez, who spoke on the intersections of identity expression in art.

Moreover, this conversation of identity expression in academics is in the spotlight of Canadian politics. By the end of the month, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith plans to introduce legislation banning underage students from changing their pronouns or names without parental consent, a policy the Saskatchewan government passed last year. This is in addition to Smith’s proposal earlier this year to notify the parents of students who change their names and/or pronouns, while also limiting transgender students’ participation in female sports and their access to gender-affirming care. These barriers exacerbate pre-existing discrepancies in health care access for transgender and nonbinary Canadians. A 2019 survey by the National Library of Medicine revealed that only 52.3 percent of Canadians 14 years and older felt safe addressing their healthcare needs with a provider, the first step to accessing gender-affirming care.

Disadvantages in the health care system impacting Indigenous and LGBTQ+ peoples persist to this day, as addressed in Two-Spirit physician Dr. James A. Makokis’s opening speech for McGill’s Queer History Month programming on October 8. Makokis is a leading figure in Indigenous and transgender health, which he spearheaded through his medical clinic. Makokis’s speech emphasized the theme “visibility” in bringing to attention the issues that persist in Indigenous and transgender health.

This month also saw the Return of the Rainbow, a homecoming celebration for queer alumni, current students, and staff. By sharing their stories at forums like this, community members serve as “proof that if I accepted my identity and came out, there was still fulfillment and respect in my future,” said Bailey, another McGill student. For the rest of October, students can attend film screenings, web panels, art workshops, and book collections of identity expression through drag.

Events beyond October that uphold LGBTQ+ visibility include the Launch of the Rainbow, the annual celebration of the achievements of LGBTQ+ graduating students most recently celebrated this past May. This is also known as Lavender Graduation. The lavender, an international symbol of queer empowerment, symbolizes the Stonewall riots that triggered the queer rights movement internationally. Quarterly meetings are held by the Subcommittee on Queer People, one of six Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion Committee (EDIC) advisory bodies to the McGill Senate. The subcommittee ensures equity for LGBTQ+ people at McGill, making reformative recommendations to address the needs of a community that has been systemically silenced and made invisible. McGill student Hannah* defines queer visibility as “not having or wanting to hide a core aspect of my identity,” and is grateful for the progressiveness of her community, particularly the work done by women of colour. McGill community members can access an array of social and medical gender-affirming services, including the Shag Shop, counsellors, sexologists, and more.

According to Manfredi, “the university’s work is far from done.” QHM’s purpose encompasses McGill’s continuing efforts to consolidate an equitable campus, “especially in the wake of … political mobilization against gender identity and sexual orientation equality in Canada and around the globe.”

*Students’ names have been changed to preserve anonymity.

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This guide is the product of a two-year collaboration between the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and Equal Rights Trust, with their joint OHCHR Technical Anti-Discrimination Law Development Mission to address Costa Rica. Written by experts Claude Cahn (OHCHR), Jim Fitzgerald (Director, Equal Rights Trust), and UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief, Nazila Ghanea, the guide focuses on establishing international standards for legislation on equality. It offers clear, actionable steps for lawmakers and human rights defenders alike to draft and enforce more comprehensive anti-discrimination policies.

The origins of globally comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation can be traced back to post-World War II efforts, most notably the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948. While not legally binding, the UDHR was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly and represents a global commitment to human rights, influencing national and international law worldwide. Article 2 of the Declaration explicitly prohibits discrimination on several grounds, laying the foundation for national and regional efforts to codify protections; and though its principles are universal, countries are encouraged to incorporate these protections into their legal systems. For instance, the 2000 Equality Directive in the European Union and South Africa’s Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act of 2000 stand as key examples of national responses that have furthered the principles laid out in the UN’s new Anti-Discrimination legislation and guideline.

The release of the OHCHR’s Guide comes at a time when discrimination and inequality remain pervasive in many regions of the world. While several countries, such as Canada, known for its progressive LGBTQ+ rights; Argentina, which has advanced gender equality and same-sex marriage; and Portugal, recognized for its comprehensive anti-discrimination laws, have made strides in enacting equality laws, many others are still struggling to protect minorities and marginalized groups from both incidental and systemic discrimination. The guide provides detailed insights into these challenges, offering best practices from countries that have successfully implemented comprehensive legal frameworks.

The release of the guide also comes amid a wave of recent anti-discrimination initiatives across the globe. In early 2024, Germany passed its first comprehensive federal law addressing discrimination in the workplace, specifically aimed at preventing bias against women, LGBTQ+ individuals, and people with disabilities. Similarly, Chile’s parliament is currently debating new legislation to address racial and indigenous discrimination, while Canada has seen renewed discussions on tightening existing anti-discrimination laws as part of an ongoing review of its Human Rights Act.

However, despite these developments, many countries face significant obstacles in enforcing these laws. For instance, in the U.S., enforcement of anti-discrimination protections has come under scrutiny from those who see the issue as an extension of the political division throughout the country, leading to many states rolling back protection for transgender individuals in schools and workplaces. Similarly, South Africa, while having one of the most progressive sets of equality laws, continues to grapple with enforcement issues, especially in rural areas where access to justice can be limited.

According to its authors, the guide is “an essential tool for policymakers working to dismantle discriminatory systems that disproportionately impact vulnerable communities.” They highlight how the guide examines international legal standards to provide practical examples of legislation from around the world, helping governments adapt and tailor anti-discrimination laws to their specific populations.

The guide also outlines several key principles essential for creating effective anti-discrimination laws, including prohibitions against direct and indirect discrimination, harassment, and victimization. It emphasizes the need for reasonable accommodation for individuals with disabilities and other protected groups, aiming to ensure their equal participation in public life without undue burden. It further draws attention to the importance of enforcement mechanisms, encouraging the creation of independent bodies to investigate complaints and impose sanctions on discriminatory practices. The authors pointed out that “strong enforcement is critical to ensuring that anti-discrimination laws are not just symbolic but result in real-world change.”

Ultimately, this guide stresses the importance of international cooperation in combating discrimination. Collaboration between governments, civil society organizations, and international bodies is essential to sharing knowledge and addressing the cross-border pervasion of inequality. It also points out that despite the progress made, the journey toward global legislative equality is far from over, with many legal frameworks still lacking sufficient scope or mechanisms for enforcement. With the global rise of radically conservative movements and increasing polarization, the contribution to comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation is more urgent than perhaps ever before.

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Pow Wows are colourful celebrations gathering First Nations communities. Deeply rooted in the traditions of Indigenous peoples in North America, they allow individuals to socialize, dance, and sing whilst honouring their cultures.

Dancers flowed into the centre of the Fieldhouse during the Grand Entry and MCs Lance Delisle and Marie-Celine Charron delivered their opening remarks. Flags including that of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy were pinned up and honored. The participants at the event could not be more eager to kick off the day.

The agenda outlined a variety of cultural dancing such as Haudenosaunee social dancing and Métis jigging. People gathered around to watch performances of Inuit throat singing and drumming by the RedTail Spirit Singers, Ottawa River Singers, SpiritWind, and Spirit Wolf. Indigenous peoples of different Nations were encouraged to join in on the celebrations of culture. Dozens of vendors lined the walls of the Fieldhouse selling jewelry and fundraising for causes like Native Montreal, an organization that offers health and support services to Indigenous communities in the greater Montreal area.

The McGill Pow Wow provided non-Indigenous peoples with the opportunity to experience unique Indigenous traditions first-hand, serving as a valuable moment for cultural education. Attendees were encouraged to join in at many moments to learn dancing techniques. The Pow Wow conveyed to non-Indigenous peoples the importance of Indigenous heritage preservation, which was expressed by a first-year McGill student to The Daily after witnessing the Jingle dance. This was her first Pow Wow.

“There are so many dimensions to Indigenous culture that I am being introduced to today. Being in the presence of so many people [who are] willing to share their culture with others so openly is a gift,” she said.

Even members of the Indigenous community were impressed by the collective displays of culture. Kona Slays, an Indigenous entrepreneur of the fashion brand Love, Koko, took home first prize at the Ribbon Skirt special. She expressed to The Daily her excitement surrounding the Indigenous participants.

“My favorite event was the Jingle dancing,” Slays said. “I didn’t know that there were so many dancers!” She was rewarded $500 for her teal ribbon skirt.

Ribbon skirts represent the sacredness of womanhood and strength in many Indigenous cultures across North America. Named for the colourful rows of ribbons sewn along the bottom hem of the skirt, they have evolved into symbols of remembrance for the Missing and Murdered Indigenous women.

While an opportunity for commemoration and celebration, this year’s Pow Wow was also tinged with irony as the university fights the Kanien’kehá:ka Kahnistensera (Mohawk Mothers) in court over the possible presence of unmarked graves on the site of The Royal Victoria Hospital.

Mohawk Mothers were present at the Pow Wow as well, highlighting above all the resilience of the Indigenous community and the importance of healing on Kanien’kehà:ka land.

The post Colourful Celebrations: McGill’s 23rd Annual Pow Wow appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Since the accreditation Association of McGill Professors of Law (AMPL) in 2022, there has yet to be collective agreement between AMPL and McGill. The AMPL has repeatedly received pushback from McGill for requesting involvement in faculty governance and more clarity.

McGill administration has been outwardly uncooperative, aiming to dissolve the association rather than collaborate with it. Throughout the summer break, McGill administrators avoided negotiation. In fact, McGill breached the labor code by failing to appear in court to negotiate on August 30, 2024, and has refused to acknowledge the reality of unionization at McGill. When attempts to negotiate were made, they were often not in “good faith,” said Kirsten Anker, AMPL Vice President. Nevertheless, she has newfound optimism that the bargaining unit is finally being heard.

“Our strike action, and public media campaign, have been focused on this issue since the end of August, and I think in the last week the message has been heard,” said Anker. “The Provost has indicated that he now sees a path forward to dropping the judicial review, and has initiated discussions to that end with AMPL.”

Leading up to this development, McGill challenged the accreditation of AMPL as a proper bargaining unit via judicial review, even though AMPL’s requests are not extraordinary. AMPL simply aims to serve as a voice for the faculty in governing themselves the way they feel is right, and improving clarity in this decision- making process. Rather than complying or negotiating, McGill has further increased its lack of transparency and accountability. AMPL claims: “The real objective [for McGill] is not fewer unions, but none.”

McGill’s refusal to work with AMPL has hurt students in the Law Faculty. With suspended classes, transcript delays, and difficulties processing job applications and scholarships, McGill’s Law students are beginning to get restless. Students are unsure if this semester will even happen at all, as many have signed new leases, uprooting their lives in exchange for zero stability or assurance in their education.

Vice President External of the Law Students Association (LSA), Julien Bérubé, has also expressed concern about the effects of the strike on the students. He explained, “Those who are feeling the brunt of the effects of the strike are the students, strangely, the only ones who have nothing to gain from this conflict.” While the community has been working together to preserve some form of education, and non-unionized instructors continue to teach their classes, many students remain unsure about the future.

“We feel like collateral damage in a conflict where we have nothing to gain,” said Bérubé.

It is not just Faculty of Law students that need to worry about these repercussions, but all the students of McGill. The creation of new unions at McGill will form ripples at the university-wide level. Both the Arts and Education faculties have formed their own associations — the Association of McGill Professors of the Faculty of Arts (AMPFA) and the Association of McGill Professors of Education (AMPE), respectively — and are gaining insight from AMPL on tips to earn accreditation, Anker shared. When an association is accredited, it is legally considered a “bargaining unit” or a union. If a faculty association does not have accreditation, it doesn’t hold any power, making it critical for AMPL to maintain its accredited status despite the McGill administration’s wishes. While such advancements are a sign of hope for many professors, students like Bérubé fear for the future of their academic experience.

“As professors’ unions are [being created] in the Faculties of Arts and Education, I can only warn my fellow students about the impacts of a potential strike, as we are still living with the impacts of this one,” noted Bérubé.

AMPL, however, does not view the spread of faculty unions in the same light. Rather than fearing the impacts of a strike, there is an understanding that mass unionization is necessary in order to push the McGill administration to properly negotiate. McGill has chosen to maintain its own power instead of prioritizing the education of its students, despite the implications of the administration’s stalling in negotiation efforts.

“While it may be difficult for students to focus on anything other than the way a strike interrupts your studies and impacts you personally, I encourage you to think about yourself as a member of this community too, rather than just a paying customer,” urges Anker. “Right now, we are fighting to preserve and foster important aspects of the university that make it worth working and studying in.”

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Numbers and events may have changed between the time of writing and the publishing of the article

It has been one year since Hamas launched Israel’s deadliest terrorist attack, killing over 1200 Israelis and taking more than 250 hostages. The immediate Israeli military response has since devastated the Gaza Strip, displacing around 90 per cent of its population, and killing 41,788 Palestinians, according to Gaza’s health authorities. Israel has also continuously been putting pressure on neighboring countries. In the past weeks, the Israeli army has pursued increasingly violent attacks on Lebanon, severely weakening Hezbollah’s leadership, prompting Iran to retaliate with a large-scale missile strike against Israel. Meanwhile international organizations have proved incapable of bringing an end to the violence.

Despite multiple international calls for de-escalation and investigations into Israeli war crimes, Israel has continued to navigate multiple military fronts. In the past weeks, it has continued its relentless bombing of the Gaza Strip while also targeting Yemen, Syria, Iran and Lebanon. For the past three weeks, Israel has bombarded Lebanon with airstrikes, killing over 2000 people while injuring nearly 7500 others. In addition to their aerial attacks, Israel announced its decision to begin “ground operations” in Southern Lebanon, reminiscent of their invasion four decades ago. While the Israeli government’s stated goal has been to take down Hezbollah’s structural organization, calling this a “limited, localized and targeted” operation. But the reality on the ground is far from this as shown by the growing number of civilian deaths.

The tensions between the Iranian-backed Hezbollah and Israel are decades old. The militant group Hezbollah was founded in 1982, after Israel seized Lebanon, creating a humanitarian crisis in the southern part of the country. Israel has been targeting Hezbollah leadership in hopes of dismantling the organization, launching one of the most intense aerial campaigns in the Middle East within the past two decades, as Airwars, a nonprofit that monitors military conflicts on Islamic states, reported. Following Iran’s missile strike against Israel, Iranian spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani, said that they are not seeking a broader regional war. However, as tensions increase between Israel, Lebanon, and Iran, hopes for de-escalation are slim.

As Israel pursued its systematic attacks on Gaza, with disregard for civilian victims and the urgent calls for humanitarian aid, the government increasingly faced criticism from its citizens and grew more and more isolated from the international community. Over the course of the year, thousands protested across Israel calling for Prime Minister Netanyahu’s resignation, and for a cease-fire allowing hostages to return home safely. From the perspective of many of these protesters, Israel’s image as a regional superpower was damaged following the October 7 attacks and their failure to safely return all the hostages. However, since the pager attacks in Lebanon, the current seems to have changed. Recent polls show that Netanyahu’s far right coalition party, Likud, is steadily recovering. The series of successful targeted attacks on leaders of Hezbollah boosted a renewed support for the offensive warfare and created a rally round- the-flag effect in favour of Netanyahu’s government.

For the past year, international organizations and world leaders have been faced with the fact that stability will not be reached unless a solution responding to both Palestinian and Israeli national aspirations is reached. Today, a negotiated settlement seems more distant than ever.

There are several reasons why ceasefire deals and talks for consensual agreements have fallen through. Democratic countries such as the US and Israel “are essential for promoting the rule of law…and for ensuring public trust in democratic systems of governance,” the UN announced in a statement. However, Israel’s impunity from its crimes against Gaza, as well as the US and Israel’s threats of retaliation against ICC and ICJ have demonstrated their lack of intention to end the war and protect human rights. Furthermore, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu continues to launch military bombardment across Gaza, despite there being no real progress in achieving a ceasefire deal.

International structures designed to maintain international peace and security have consistently failed to effectively carry out resolutions. United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres released a statement with Al Jazeera on the failures of the Security Council to bring about political change in the region. He believes that the Security Council’s mechanisms at resolving conflict are outdated, referencing the permanent members’ veto powers and the severe obstacles it poses for action. Furthermore, if the Security Council cannot tackle the humanitarian crises that it was designed to, it hinders other UN agencies, such as the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) from completing their tasks. With the recent developments regarding Israel’s shifted focus on Lebanon and Iran, UN experts admitted that “the ballooning violence adds immensely to the instability and the ongoing suffering of civilians in the wider region, including in Palestine.”

Previous peace frameworks, such as the Oslo Accords in 1993, have been unsuccessful at mitigating tensions between Palestinian self-determination and Israel’s desire for domination. For years after the failure of the Accords became evident, the United States and other major powers took a back-seat role in possible negotiations between Palestine and Israel, allowing these tensions to worsen.

What comes next? After one year, the conflict shows no signs of ending. It seems that with US continued support of Israel, refusing to restrict its weapons shipments, alongside Hezbollah’s commitment to continue attacks on Israel until a Gaza ceasefire is achieved; and the ongoing collapse of ceasefire negotiations in Gaza the situation won’t change.

This has also been a year of student uprisings, protests and counter protests. Students in Montreal have been relentlessly organizing marches and protest in solidarity with Gaza and now Lebanon, continuing to call upon the government and university administrations to divest from Israel and recognize the ongoing genocide. Additionally, the Palestinian Youth Movement, alongside other student led organizations held marches commemorating “One Year of Genocide, One Year of Resistance” from October 5 to 7.

On October 5 the Palestinian Youth Movement called for an International Day of Action. Thousands of people marched in over 50 cities across the US and Canada to mark one year of mobilization and solidarity with the people of Palestine and Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and all those victims of Israel’s violent attacks. Here in Montreal thousands met on Place des Arts. Students and Professors from McGill, Concordia and other institutions joined the rally to the rhythm of drums and slogans. Amongst the speakers was activist Katsi’tsakwas Ellen Gabriel. She spoke out to the crowd, denouncing the genocide, celebrating the strength of students and others to stand together, and reaffirming the shared struggle of Indigenous peoples and Palestinians against colonial oppression and occupation. “We see, as Indigenous people, commonalities between our struggles. We know what genocide is like. Our people united, our people are strong in standing with Palestine” she said. For hours, the steps and slogans resonated through the streets of downtown until Atwater, reminding the world that “the people united will never be defeated”

As a response to the different calls to mobilize McGill and Concordia have decided to restrict access to their campuses. At the time of writing, it has been communicated with students that access to the downtown campus until October 7 will require a McGill ID or a permission letter for visitors to enter. They justified these measures to “prioritize the stable continuation of critical academic activities at a time when there is an elevated potential for disruption” even if there have been no threats to physical safety.

Students at McGill and in the Montreal community at large have displayed their solidarity with the Lebanese people. On October 1, Students for Palestine’s Honour and Resistance (SPHR) McGill and Concordia alongside other student-led groups held a vigil for Lebanon on the campus lower field. Speakers were students from McGill and Concordia, and professor Michelle Hartman reading out a poem written by professor Rula Abisaab. Around 100 students gathered, with candles and Palestinian flags being held next to Lebanese ones. Speakers later condemned the systematic violence carried out against Lebanese people and the genocide in Gaza, while praising the power of resistance and the sustained need for solidarity and collective actions.

A member of Montreal’s Lebanese community has shared their perspective on issues ensuing back home. “As a Lebanese student living in Canada, I can share that many of us are deeply concerned about the ongoing threat in southern Lebanon, even though we’re miles away,” said Sarah Tehini, a U1 Computer Engineering student at McGill. “The situation with Israel is something we’ve grown up hearing about, but now it feelslike things could escalate at any moment.” She expressed concerns about the future state of Lebanon if Israel proceeds with its current military tactics. “We worry about being able to visit home, or if there will even be a ‘home’ to return to. There’s this overwhelming sense of uncertainty about whether Lebanon will ever find stability again, and it’s heartbreaking,” she said on behalf of herself and other Lebanese students in her community.

In light of Tehini’s worries, she still believes there is room for hope. “Despite everything, the resilience of the Lebanese people keeps us hopeful. No matter how much we’ve been through, our love for our country keeps us holding on to hope for a better future,” she concluded.

The post An Analysis of Israel’s Actions Since October 7 appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Under the collective of Pour la suite du monde, nearly two dozen Quebec cities took part in climate marches alongside Montreal. Over 50 organizations, seeking to bring forth democratic solutions to the pressing environmental concerns, were represented at the Montreal climate march as well. Many McGill student activists participated in the march, bringing self-made banners and chanting for change.

The McGill contingent gathered on campus by the McConnell Engineering Building around 4:30 p.m., hosting conversation circles and giving speeches, before marching down Sherbrooke Street and Parc Ave. By 6 p.m., they joined the broader Montreal community at the George-Étienne Cartier monument in Mont-Royal Park.

“We want to see more climate justice mobilizing on campus, and we’re coming together to join this significant Quebec-wide day of mobilization,” U2 History student Rebecca Hamilton said. Activists in Quebec are asking for a social ecological transition, one form of action within a broader environmental citizen movement, anchored in principles such as collaboration, sustainability, decentralization and self- management. In a press release from Pour la suite du monde, the group stated that they requested to meet and discuss with the Quebec government this past May in order to determine “actions in favor of a real social and environmental transition.” However, they have been left with no answers to date.

“The politicians are just dragging their feet and aren’t implementing [their promise], and we’re fed up with that lack of action and are coming together to build a new balance of power. We’re trying to contribute to that movement the best that we can from McGill today,” Hamilton added.

During the rally before the march, speakers representing McGill student advocacy groups condemned McGill’s direct investments in the fossil fuel industry. Although McGill has promised to divest from companies on the Carbon Underground 200 list by 2025, it will continue to invest in environmentally destructive companies like TC Energy.

“We also critique McGill’s existing sustainability initiatives, in particular, the New Vic project, where McGill has constantly refused to listen to the demands of the Mohawk Mothers to properly investigate potential unmarked graves on the site,” one of the speakers said in their speech.

Ahead of this year’s Climate March, Divest McGill earned a hard-fought victory after 11 years of student organizing. They succeeded in making McGill’s Board of Governors promise divest from direct investments in fossil fuel companies by the end of 2024.

“This is a big win, but there is more that we can do. We must continue to hold our university accountable for their lack of action to address the climate emergency and demand that they cut their ongoing ties with the industries and institutions that harrow our planet and fellow human beings,” a speaker said in their speech, “Our campaign for divestment from fossil fuels has shown us that the only way we can change things at McGill is through sustained student activism.”

U4 Sustainability, Science, and Society student Annelies Koch-Schulte was among the demonstrators Friday afternoon. She has been actively participating in gatherings and protests related to climate and environmental change for the past five years. Koch- Schulte shared that her mindset as an activist has shifted over time. Stepping down from hot-blooded frontline rallying to raise awareness for climate change by demanding new policy, she came to this year’s climate change march in hopes of solidifying an activist community at McGill and finding support in her own work of sustainability.

Koch-Schulte was glad to see the mobilization of student organizers, and the change they have brought in the past 10 years, but she believes that it is important to address questions like “What do we want activism on campus to look like?” or “What principles do we want it to be founded upon?” She wants to help student activists find their bearings, know who they are, and believe in their place in this field of work.

“It’s a feeling of hope and courage for future activists because it’s generations of students who work towards the same goal,” Koch-Schulte said, “There’s definitely a feeling of solidarity that comes from knowing that you are picking up the work of students that have come before you. I think that that is a really meaningful thing to be part of, that passing of the torch of activism on campus.”

After McGill’s announcement to divest from their investments in fossil fuel companies, student climate change activists are hoping to shift the trajectory of current protests and gatherings.

“We were focused on calling out the issues and identifying what the problems are… Now, we have a consensus that climate change is a problem, and it’s become a lot more nuanced, a lot more critical and a lot more interconnected with a lot of other social services movements, which I think is a really good step for it to be taken,” Koch-Schulte said. She added that it’s important to still be protesting to show people that these issues matter just as much as they did years ago.

There is a consensus in student activist groups that a solution lies in systemic change. Hamilton said that the climate movement for so long has been focused on individual actions. This has changed the narrative from climate action as something that can create a more equal and affordable society to an elitist movement because a lot of individual actions are more expensive and take a lot more effort to do.

“Most people’s number one priority in choosing what food to eat isn’t whether it’s plastic. It’s about whether it’s cheap. I think that we all lose if the climate movement focuses on narratives that perpetuate this sense of being an elitist [movement],” Hamilton said.

Various students came from the Students Strike for Palestine Organisation to advocate for Palestinian liberation alongside environmental protection. McGill student Carina believes that both issues are connected through the concept of extraction that encourages the exploitation of natural resources and reinforces colonial mindsets.

“The tie between the two of them is the legacy of imperialism and capitalism,” she said. “Once you see those connections between the layers of oppression and extractivism [for] any marginalized group, including the environment, it’s hard to look away and you can see the interconnectedness of all of these movements.”

Throughout the march, students chanted “Water is life, water is sacred, stop the pipeline, stop the hatred!” on their way to the George- Étienne Cartier monument.

Relating to the chant, another McGill attendee, Sebastian, condemned the Canadian government for constructing the Trans Mountain pipeline from Alberta to British Columbia.

“It violates every single aspect of Indigenous sovereignty over those lands. On the other hand, there’s already been leaks in the construction of it,” he said. “It’s not like it’s just a question of private interests and businesses… The entire Canadian government, the state, it’s completely complicit in it and of course, the corporations involved have the politician’s ears.”

While progress has been made worldwide in the 5 years since Thunberg marched alongside Montrealers, such as a decreasing global dependency on fossil fuels, Carina said activists continue to push for change by protesting as these issues persist.

“There’s been victories and some milestones, specifically the climate movement, [but] I also think that there’s a lot of work that needs to be done,” she said. “There’s structural issues, systemic issues … root issues that haven’t changed.”

A first-year McGill student, who chose to remain anonymous, said the march was the first climate- related strike they had attended at McGill. As a result, they felt compelled to get involved out of concern for their future and that of following generations. They emphasized the role of youth in climate activism, explaining that many young people get involved because the issues at hand directly threaten them, and action must take place to prevent it.

“I felt like I would regret it if I didn’t come,” they said. “The youth are the future – who else is going to be involved?”

Veteran student organizers like Hamilton and Koch-Schulte are hopeful for a better activist environment on the McGill campus in the future. Hamilton calls on students with interests in environmentalism and sustainability to get involved.

“It can feel isolating to just be learning in classes about ecological devastation and to feel rage at the small group of decision-makers that […] let destruction to people and the planet happen. But by coming together, we can feel hope,” she said. “It feels really good to be part of something bigger than yourself.”

“Your life is your moment in the sunshine where you have the opportunity to make change. It’s on all of us to use that sunshine and take that unique opportunity that is being you, and use it to the best of your abilities to make things better. [This is] a beautiful moment to make change,” Koch- Schulte concluded.

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