The government of Canada has launched its official theme for this year’s BHM: “Black Legacy and Leadership: Celebrating Canadian History and Uplifting Future Generations.” As stated in a message from the Honourable Kamal Khera, Minister of Diversity, Inclusion and Persons with Disabilities, “this year’s theme is about reflecting and celebrating the contribution of Black Canadians.” At its core, the theme aims to celebrate Black history in Canada and spread awareness about the contributions of Black Canadians to the nation’s country and history. In reflecting on the ways Black Canadians have shaped the country, Canada strives to pave the way for a more equitable, inclusive future.

In order to be able to participate in the theme of Legacy and Leadership, the country must confront its history. Canada remained active in the transatlantic slave trade system until its abolition in 1834 — an involvement often overlooked — and this legacy of slavery is present in the evolution of systemic racial discrimination within the country. As we approach February 1, we must acknowledge that Canada’s history is rooted in deeply racist practices in order to understand how to move into the future, reconciling with and repairing the past. Further, in adherence with this month’s theme, it is crucial to recognize and celebrate the contributions of Black Canadians to the nation.

In terms of reconciliation, the Canadian government has worked towards uplifting and supporting Black communities in Canada through various projects. The Canadian government has invested over $1 billion into Black communities through the Multicultural Anti-Racist Program (MARP). The objective of MARP is to “advance anti-racism, provide equitable opportunities, promote dialogue on multiculturalism, anti-racism, racial equity, diversity, and inclusion to advance institutional and systemic change.” MARP initiatives include the financial support of research to collect further information about the “challenges faced by equity deserving populations.” There are three components to MARP: projects, events and Organizational Capacity Building (OCB). Each component aims to provide support to Canada’s racial minorities through funding of community led initiatives.

Further action includes the 2018 recognition of UNDPAD on behalf of the Canadian government, alongside the promise to remain committed to achieving “equality and conditions that are free of discrimination, awareness-raising, and education, informing-gathering.” The Canadian government subsequently recognized the United Nations Second International Decade for People of African Descent, spanning from 2025-2034. UNDPAD works to promote the human rights and freedoms of people of African descent, as well as “promote a greater knowledge of and respect for the diverse heritage, culture and contribution of people of African descent to the development of societies,” alongside many other objectives to implement legislative measures to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination, namely discrimination on the basis of race being made punishable by law in countries such Bolivia and Uruguay.

The Canadian Government continued to further its efforts to promote the presence of Black voices within international institutions by organizing the participation of 24 Black Canadian “civil society leaders” at the United Nations Permanent Forum on People of African Descent. This particular initiative was organized by the Canadian Commission for UNESCO (CCUNESCO) in collaboration with the Canadian Race Relations Foundation (CRRF). This event offered the opportunity for Black Canadian civil organizations to voice their own experiences of anti-Black racism, inequalities, and discrimination. It provided a space for participants to network and build connections, while also creating an opportunity to hold the Canadian government accountable. The event worked effectively as a forum where organizations could offer insights into further strategies to implement effective solutions for combating racial inequalities within Canada.

Despite these efforts made by Canada to reconcile with its past of racial inequality, there remains an immense number of reparations to be made, in the forms of scholarships, tuition remissions, housing grants, and business grants, to name a few. The philanthropic and charitable sector continues to fail Black Canadians, evident in recent studies illustrating a “systemic underinvestment” in Black communities — with Black community organizations receiving approximately seven cents for every $100 distributed by leading Canadian philanthropic institutions.

According to the Canadian Black Chamber of Commerce (CBCC), Black entrepreneurs continue to struggle with barriers including access to capital. Determining concrete solutions to this problem is challenging, as the community of Black business owners is severely underrepresented in research circles. Yet it remains evident that a prevailing issue is funding in Canadian Black entrepreneurship, a burden resting on the Canadian government to take initiative and extend funding.

Despite these ongoing challenges, the Canadian government continues to acknowledge the work that needs to be done across the nation. A message released by Justin Trudeau in the Anti-Racism Strategy 2024-2029 illustrated the country’s recognition of prevailing issues of racial inequality, stating that that he wants “the federal government to reflect the Canada it serves — because the more voices and perspective we have at the table, the better the decisions making.” This is an indication of the government’s ongoing commitment to inclusivity within Canada, demonstrating their dedication to fostering an environment of “economic, social, [and] cultural empowerment.” Additionally included within this outline of strategies is a large number of initiatives to reform legislation to encourage accountability. The theme of this year’s BHM will demonstrate the government’s ability to honour the very principles of leadership and legacy which it places at the forefront of their efforts in reconciling with their history of systemic racial discrimination.

In Montreal specifically, the theme of this year’s BHM has been announced as “All that We Carry” (Tout ce que Nous Sommes), as organized by the city’s RoundTable on Black History Month. A variety of events will be held throughout the month to celebrate Black culture within Quebec, proving participants with the opportunity to become immersed in Black history. Celebrations kicked off on Thursday, January 30 with the the Montreal Black History Month 2025 Opening Ceremony. The RoundTable on Black History month has selected 12 laureates to be honoured for their work, who will each represent one month of the year. The festivities don’t stop there: throughout February, the city will host an assortment of events from music concerts to live theatre. “Distant Echoes of Africa” will take place on February 21, featuring composers and artists of African descent. An English language-master class will be hosted by the leader of the Black History RoundTable Michael Farkas on February 8, in addition to an exhibition showcasing Afro’Queer artists on February 26. Multicultural readings, dance performances, film streamings, and a comedy tour will take place in the city throughout the month of February.

The kickoff on Thursday highlighted the importance of Black History Month as a way to recognize the deep-rooted biases and prejudices that continue to shape Canada. Youssef Youssef, CKUT correspondent for the Daily, stated that the event exemplified that Black history is all history, and that we must continue to recognize that Black voices have been excluded from the history of our country. In the words of Ian Thomas, the event’s anglophone spokesperson, “It’s not Black history, it’s our history.”

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In 1969, Cools was instrumental in the infamous Sir George Williams Affair — a protest that occurred at Sir George Williams University (now Concordia University), Canada’s largest student sit-in to date.
In spring of 1968, six Black students attending Sir George Williams University filed a complaint against Professor Perry Anderson. They claimed that regardless of quality, all work submitted by Black students was given a failing grade. A committee was formed by the university to investigate the complaint and Anderson was suspended until a decision was reached. After almost a year of deliberation, the complaint was rejected by the university, sparking immediate outrage from the students and Montreal community. Over 200 people, including Cools, gathered in the school and occupied the university’s computer centre in protest of this disregard for civil rights.

An agreement was negotiated between Sir George Williams University and the protestors, stating that the protesters leave the building in exchange for the formation of a new committee who would review the original complaint. However, only about half of the protestors vacated the building, so the agreement was discarded. On February 11, 1969, police entered the school and chaos ensued. Amidst the turmoil, a fire began in the computer room, causing over $2 million in damages. Being named as a “ringleader” in the revolt, Cools was arrested, along with 96 other people. She stayed in jail for four months before being pardoned by the government. The next day, Anderson was reinstated, and months later, he was exonerated from all charges of racism.

Evidently, change did not happen overnight. However, the Sir George Williams Affair instilled even more passion in the civil rights movements occurring in Montreal, which had been increasing throughout the 1960s. In 1971, Sir George University revised its policies on processing complaints so that both students and faculty members were involved in the decision-making process. In 2022, an official apology was given by Concordia University regarding the situation in 1969.

The results of the Sir George Williams Affair reached beyond the school and into the community of Montreal, expanding even to people living in the Caribbean. Many students, like Cools, had come from Caribbean countries to study in Montreal, sparking growth in publicity and knowledge regarding anti-colonialism. Multiple Black community groups were founded in response to the increased activism, some of which are still ongoing (Ligue des Noirs du Québec and the Maison d’Haïti). The contribution and sacrifice made by Cools and the other students during the Sir George Williams Affair crucially propelled the increasing activism for the civil rights of Black people in Montreal.

After finishing her schooling, Cools began a career in social work. In 1974, Cools founded an agency called Women in Transition Inc., which was one of Canada’s first domestic violence shelters. She served as executive director for a number of years, during which she aided in the opening of multiple other shelters in Ontario. Cools also helped organize Canada’s first conference on domestic violence, titled Couples in Conflict.

Cools then shifted her love for social justice into a more political light. After the loss of multiple electoral campaigns to represent central Toronto, Cools was elected to the Canadian senate in 1984. This made her Canada’s first Black senator and the first Black woman to become senator in all of North America.

During her career as a senator, Anne Cools observed and participated in multiple different political groups. She began and spent the majority of her time with the Liberal party, switching to sit with the Conservative party in 2004. She ended her career as an unaffiliated senator. She was instrumental in many bills in Canada’s legislature, notably Bill C-20, concerned with Quebec’s secession from Canada. She is very proud of her work in divorce and separation cases, in which she took an important and, at the time, a somewhat unique stance: she would take special focus to ensure the fathers in these cases were being treated fairly, and that, above all, the child’s wellbeing was prioritized. A large part of this work occurred because of the formation of the Joint Committee on Child Custody and Access, which Cools helped to create. Having been a member of the Canadian senate for over 34 years, Cools gained much experience and influence through her position. As the age limit to be a member of the senate is 75 years, Cools retired on August 11, 2018.

Anne Cools continues to make an impact on the community, whether that be in the Caribbean, McGill, Montreal, or Canada as a whole. Her strength and perseverance is evident in the many different stages of her life. From immigrating to Canada, graduating university, participating in civil rights movements, and becoming a part of the Canadian Government, she has not let anything get in the way of what she believes. Cools has a strong sense of justice, but more than that, she has the resolve to act on her intuition and create positive change for people who are being mistreated.

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The Quebec government is also feeling the repercussions of extreme weather events and the economic consequences they have provoked. The province witnessed an increase overall in extreme weather phenomena ranging from droughts, heat waves, and storms with heavy rains and violent winds, to drastic drops and rises in temperature leading to freeze-thaw – all of which affect the stability and durability of buildings, roads, and runways. Quebec is not an isolated case: Canada as a whole is experiencing this. The summer of 2024 alone led to $7.1 billion in insured losses, mostly due to floods in Southern Quebec and Southern Ontario, wildfires in Alberta, and a hailstorm in Calgary. This catastrophic summer led to 228,000 insurance claims, a 406 per cent increase compared to the average over the past 20 years, according to Celyeste Power, President of the IBC.

Due to climate change, both the frequency and intensity of weather-induced catastrophes increased, as can be observed through the augmentation of insured damage. If the increased cost of insured damage is a problem in itself, it also undeniably serves as an alert signal to remind us of the many risks these extreme weather phenomena pose. This increase in extreme weather phenomena also threatens energy production, transportation, and, most of all, agriculture, where productivity is directly altered by climate change and extreme weather. The question of our health and safety is also important: extreme weather affects everyone, as seen through the availability and quality of drinking water. However, it unequally threatens weaker or more exposed populations, such as the higher mortality of elderly populations seen during heatwaves.

The US National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences (NIEHS) has established a causal link between poverty and exposure to risk. Communities with less resources are feeling the burden of damages caused by extreme weather; they are shown to be more exposed and susceptible to suffering from mental and physical health issues, injury, and even death due to environmental disasters. Those that don’t have home insurance aren’t accounted for in these figures, implying that the situation is even worse than what the insurance sector is warning us about.

Climate change operates on such a broad scale that it is almost impossible to grasp the full extent of extreme weather-related damages and the damages that are slowly occurring as time progresses. To help us track estimates of costs, the Canadian Climate Institute developed a tool accessible to all at the website ClimateChangeCosts.ca.

This situation is not bound to get any better. Power ominously recalls that “what we have to remember is this isn’t an anomaly. It’s not bad luck. This is our new normal.” Philippe Gachon, hydroclimatology professor at the Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM), predicted that the flood risk would only increase in Quebec due to high intensity downpours and storms. The increased frequency and intensity of natural disasters will make Canada, as Jason Clarke, national director of climate change at the IBC, says, a “riskier place to live, work, and insure” if no action is taken against climate change.

To limit the risks of both extreme weather phenomena and the damage they cause, the NIEHS explains a government may take action in three ways. First: preparation, or building infrastructure in advance, as well as informing and educating the population on the issue. Second: adaptation, which means changing the way we manage our forests and build our cities. Third: mitigation, where the objective is to limit climate change itself by reducing greenhouse gas emissions through sustainable development programs, engaging governments and states in the long-term.

Solutions have been proposed along these lines. Montreal, for example, took the effects of long-term climate change into account and planned to halve its greenhouse gas emissions by 2030. They have also proposed creating underwater reservoirs and greenspaces for draining excess rainwater to avoid overloading the sewer system – as what happened in 2023 and 2024 summer floods.

Even if the Canadian government has invested $6.6 billion in climate adaptation initiatives since 2015, it is not sufficient, and Power urgently calls for governments to “take action to reduce the risk,” as climate change effects will only worsen if nothing is done to prevent it further.

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TikTok has been at the center of debates about data privacy, national security, and digital sovereignty. US lawmakers have long expressed concerns that ByteDance’s ties to the Chinese government could enable unauthorized access to American user data. While ByteDance has repeatedly denied these allegations, the platform’s rapid growth and cultural influence have made it a target of bipartisan scrutiny. The extension granted by Trump provides a brief reprieve, but it also raises questions about what’s next for TikTok and the broader implications for social media platforms operating globally.

The uncertainty surrounding TikTok’s fate has already triggered shifts in the social media landscape. Competitors like Instagram, YouTube Shorts, and Snapchat Spotlight are scrambling to attract TikTok’s displaced user base. Instagram, for instance, has introduced features like “Edits,” a video-editing app inspired by TikTok’s CapCut, and has expanded its video grid format to support longer videos — a clear attempt to capture the short-form video market.

Meanwhile, platforms like RedNote (known as Xiaohongshu in China) have positioned themselves as key alternatives. By emphasizing creativity and international cultural exchanges, RedNote has seen a surge in downloads, bolstered by its recruitment of American influencers to promote the app’s versatility.

TikTok’s challenges extend beyond business; they’ve become a symbol of the growing tension between the US and China. President Trump’s proposal for the US to hold a significant stake in TikTok highlights the app’s role in digital diplomacy. The platform’s uncertain future has even sparked renewed dialogue between the two nations, as Chinese President Xi Jinping emphasized the importance of cultural and technological exchanges. This unprecedented intersection of social media and geopolitics underscores how deeply intertwined these platforms have become with global relations.

While TikTok’s 75-day extension offers temporary relief, its future remains unclear. Whether through a partial divestment, a merger, or a complete shutdown, the next steps will have lasting consequences for users, creators, and the social media landscape at large. The TikTok saga also highlights the need for clearer global regulations around data privacy, as well as the challenges of balancing innovation with security.

Social media, like its users, is at a crossroads. TikTok’s fate will not only shape the future of short-form content but also serve as a case study in how nations navigate the complexities of technology, culture, and power in an increasingly connected world. For now, all eyes remain on the clock — and on what happens when those 75 days are up.

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As of now, four candidates are running for party leadership. The current list of candidates includes Pablo Rodriguez, an MP who has worked under the Trudeau government but is now independent; Denis Coderre, the former mayor of Montreal; Charles Milliard, the former president of the Federation of Chambers of Commerce of Quebec (FCCQ), a federation of provincial businesses; and Marc Bélanger, a tax lawyer who has previously run for federal office.

Discourse concerning whether the PLQ should maintain a traditional platform similar to its opponents or reinvent itself is particularly relevant considering the Liberal Party of Canada’s decline. The PLQ’s support has been diminishing among the francophone population outside of Montréal, a bilingual city with an anglophone minority. As a result, Maura Forrest from CBC News stresses that the provincial party’s success depends on its ability to distinguish itself from the federal party.

The PLQ’s interim leader Marc Tanguay holds a positive outlook on revitalizing the party’s political position: “The challenges are many,” he said, “but as you are aware…the Quebec Liberal Party has always been able to reinvent itself.” Some of the candidates have expressed this same rhetoric of distinguishing the PLQ from its political opponents, while others have adopted other positions to gain popularity. Millard’s campaign avoids nationalist and language rights discourse used by the Coalition for the Future of Quebec (CAQ), yet Coderre has adopted this discourse to counter the Quebec Party (PQ)’s popularity by advocating against the centralization of federalism at the expense of provincial autonomy.

Sylvia Martin-Laforge, the Director General of the Quebec Community Groups Network (QCGN), stresses that the party’s provincial success is dependent on the discourse of language rights and that a “traditional image of economic stewardship” should be maintained. Millard is in solidarity with both francophones and anglophones in Quebec, emphasizing that “the Quebec Liberal Party is the only political party in Quebec that can talk to all Quebecers” in an interview with CBC. While both Rodriguez and Millard’s campaigns focus on public welfare programs, such as healthcare and education, Coderre and Bélanger have targeted the economy with a focus on developing natural resource programs.

In terms of the voting process, party members of the PLQ will gather on June 14 to select their party leader for the next four years. At the provincial level, parties use direct elections, encouraging more participation as one’s vote is not mediated by a convention delegate, a method first implemented by the PQ in 1985. While voting is limited to party members, there may be voting fees and a requirement regarding the length of time one has been a member of the party. On their website, the PLQ explained that “members in good standing will be able to vote by telephone or Internet,” reducing issues of lower vote turnout due to mobility issues during the voting period from June 9 to 14. Rather than counting up votes, the PLQ is using a points system where the votes are weighted by age group and riding. Each riding has an equal say, as all constituencies are given 250,000 points, while 125,000 points are given to party members 25 years of age or under. Candidates are then assigned points based on the share of votes given in each riding.

Voter participation will be a key deciding factor in this election. One of the PLQ’s greatest concerns is consolidating a strong voting base outside of Montréal, as the electorate is composed of whichever party members choose to vote. Thus, levels of participation may vary regionally, reflecting political cleavages. This is why the party has employed a points system instead of rounding up the votes, where instead of a vote per member, different amounts of points are allocated based on the members in different ridings. Both Rodriguez and Millard are supported by the Liberal caucus, Millard having also consolidated a youth voter base. This is particularly important considering that the PLQ voter base had little support among younger demographics, as reported by The Montreal Gazette. Lower youth participation is also noted at the provincial level among the age groups of 18 to 24 and 25 to 34, and at the federal level among those 18 to 24 years of age.

Moreover, the newly elected leader of the PLQ will inform the party’s success in the provincial elections on October 5, 2026. In the provincial general election, voters from each constituency or riding vote for the candidate that they would like to represent them in Parliament, known as a Member of Parliament (MP) or, in the case of Quebec, a member of the National Assembly (MNA). According to the first-past-the-post system, the constituent that accumulates more votes than other candidates first wins. Unlike an absolute majority, in a simple majority, an MP/MNA can be elected with less than half of the votes as long as they garner more votes than their competitors. Each riding has a seat in Parliament/National Assembly; thus the elected MP/MNA of each riding has a seat in Parliament where they can vote on legislation on behalf of the people. As of 2022, the Liberals have 19 out of the 125 seats in the Quebec National Assembly, while the governing CAQ party has 86 and the PQ has 4. Despite this, CBC reports that the PQ has been rising in polls, particularly due to their “young, charismatic leader,” Paul St-Pierre Plamondon.

While it is early in terms of establishing a party campaign for the 2026 elections, the economy, immigration, and language policies remain contested issues in Quebec, as they were in the last provincial election in 2022. Electing a new party leader will determine the PLQ’s party platform in the 2026 general election and whether they will keep pursuing a traditionalist platform or reinvent themselves.

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The humanitarian situation in Syria is dire, with 90 per cent of the Syrian population reliant on humanitarian aid. While former president Assad fled the country and his repressive regime fell on December 8, the accumulated damages have scarred the country and its population. These “scars” of the regime are quite literal, as at least 28 per cent of Syrians today live with a disability, a physical mark of the horrors of civil war and of the violent repression under Assad. 12.9 million Syrians faced food insecurity in 2024, with millions more facing acute food insecurity. 85 per cent of Syrian families struggle to meet ends, leaving 7.5 million children desperate for humanitarian aid.

Since the beginning of the civil conflict in 2011, 14 million Syrians have been “internally displaced,” forced to flee the country and leave their homes, belongings, and sometimes even family behind. Syria constitutes the world’s largest refugee crisis: while 115,000 Syrians have returned to their homeland since Assad’s fall, over 5 million Syrians live in neighbouring countries like Türkiye or Jordan, and 850,000 Syrian refugees have found sanctuary in Germany, the largest non-Arab hosting country. The rebel fighting in northwestern Syria in late 2024, which ultimately led to the downfall of the Assad regime, added a million internally displaced people (IDPs).

Syria also continues to face the repercussions of the devastating 2023 earthquakes. The disaster caused mass destruction – debris estimated to have a volume of around 100 million cubic meters – decimating northern Syria’s infrastructure and killing over 50,000 people in both Syria and Türkiye.

It is in this context that calls for help have risen across the world Montreal’s Centre Culturel Syrien (CCS): calls for humanitarian assistance on their website encourage donations to “alleviate the suffering of Syrians in need.” Montrealers of Syrian background, interviewed by CBC after the fall of Assad, remain optimistic for the future, even though they admit that there is much to do for the situation to truly resolve. Faisal Alazam, director of the Syrian Kids Foundation, believes that “members of the diaspora have to do their part.” Perhaps the efforts of the Syrian diaspora in Canada contributed to Ahmed Hussen’s efforts in funding humanitarian aid.

Hussen’s humanitarian aid funding will be distributed among what he has described as “trusted humanitarian partners” on the ground in Syria – namely UN agencies, international non-governmental organizations, and the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement. These funds will provide for the urgent needs of Syrians, granting access to clean water, distributing food, rebuilding infrastructure, and investing in sanitary and health equipment. Canada has promised to prioritize the needs of the marginalized and vulnerable, investing in missions or even protection services defined by Global Affairs Canada as the “prevention, mitigation of and response to gender-based violence.”

As the media today focuses on the most exciting topic of the moment, abandoning important issues for the lack of visibility they trigger, because a sensational story provokes more “clicks”, maintaining awareness of the humanitarian crisis in Syria is as important as it is complicated. The efforts of members of the Montreal Syrian community, embodied by the Centre Culturel Syrien or student associations like the Syrian Students Association of McGill, contribute to maintaining awareness and thus prolonging the call for help.

Overall, if Syria is to “emerge from the dark era of persecution of the Assad regime,” as Hussen hopes, and rebuild after years of destruction, humanitarian help is critical.

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California’s arid terrain and sweltering summers have long made it a hotspot for wildfires, but their severity has escalated in recent years. The Palisades Fire has already burned through over 17,000 acres, while the Eaton Fire has torched 14,000 more. Extended droughts, unprecedented heatwaves, and erratic weather patterns have dried out vegetation, transforming it into highly flammable fuel. Adding to the challenge, the notorious Santa Ana winds, with gusts exceeding 160 kph, have propelled the flames, making efforts to control the blazes futile.

Ongoing investigations reveal a combination of natural and human causes to the fires. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) has been looking into possible human involvement, adding another layer of unpredictability. Investigators are looking into potential cases of arson and accidental ignitions, as downed power lines and construction sparks have come under scrutiny.

The cost — both human and economic — is staggering. With damages expected to surpass 250 billion USD, this disaster ranks among the most expensive in U.S. history. Families forced to flee with little warning face not just the loss of their homes but an uncertain path forward. Overcrowded shelters offer temporary relief, while local authorities are scrambling to provide financial aid and recovery programs. The fires have ravaged neighborhoods, wiped out critical infrastructure, and decimated wildlife habitats, leaving a scorched void in their wake.

Amid the destruction, acts of resilience and generosity stand out. Grassroots organizations, volunteers, and nonprofits have mobilized quickly, providing essential supplies, medical aid, and emotional support for those in need. Neighboring states and even international aid groups have stepped in, highlighting how collective action can bring relief during overwhelming crises. Donations, both large and small, are pouring across the world, showing that in moments of destruction, communities still find ways to support one another.

However, these fires are more than isolated tragedies: they’re part of a feedback loop fueled by climate change. Wildfires release massive amounts of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, accelerating global warming and increasing the likelihood of future fires. This self-perpetuating cycle is a dire warning that systemic changes are long overdue. Improved forest management, stricter building codes in fire-prone areas, and transitioning to renewable energy are essential steps to breaking the cycle.

Beyond the environmental costs, the mental and emotional toll of these disasters often goes unspoken. Displaced families face not only the loss of their homes and all of their possessions, but also the uncertainty of starting over. First responders work tirelessly, often at great personal risk, to contain these fires and help residents find safety, yet they too bear the burden of trauma. Calls for better mental health support in disaster recovery plans are growing louder, emphasizing that rebuilding goes beyond bricks and mortar.

These fires also spotlight glaring gaps in infrastructure and policy. Critics argue that outdated building codes, insufficient funding for prevention programs, and corporate negligence have left communities more vulnerable. Utility companies, in particular, are under scrutiny for their role in sparking past blazes, with legal battles over accountability expected to shape future policies.

Wildfires don’t just burn forests — they upend lives, leaving scars on landscapes and communities alike. As smoke fills the Los Angeles sky, the question remains: How many more warnings will it take until it’s too late? Whether these fires become an annual disaster or a sobering turning point depends on what is done next.

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Qatar’s Prime Minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani, confirmed the ceasefire deal would come into effect on January 19. Final votes and sign off were expected on January 16.

The deal includes a temporary ceasefire, allowing for a pause on the destruction inflicted upon Gaza, as well as the release of captives held in Gaza and a great number of prisoners held by Israel. It will also allow for displaced Palestinians who moved South to return to their homes in the north of Gaza.
Montreal’s residents took to the streets to celebrate, with Montreal4Palestine (M4P) calling for an emergency protest at 6 PM, on Wednesday evening, in front of the U.S. consulate on St. Catherine street.

M4P is a multi-generational community-based movement fighting for the total liberation of Palestine through awareness and education. Originally founded in 2021 under the name “Canada Sanctions Israel,” this grassroots organization is the project of a group of friends who met during a Montreal protest for Palestine when six Palestinian families were forcibly evicted in the occupied East Jerusalem neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah in May 2021. This movement has been holding protests every Sunday since the Al Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023, calling for a ceasefire, enforcing an arms embargo on Israel, and sanctioning the State economically and politically.

While emergency protests during the middle of the week are not something new for M4P, the general vibe of this protest wasn’t the usual anger and frustration — it was hope.

Resounding drum sounds in the busy St. Catherine streets were accompanied by protestors performing the folkloric Palestinian dabkeh. Trays of baklava and knafeh from the Palestinian-owned Knafé Stop were going around. People were embracing each other, smiling to one another, and screaming “Mabrook!” “Alf Mubarak!” (‘Congratulations! Thousands of congratulations!’).

“467 days of the most brutal genocide known to mankind,” said one of M4P’s founders, Mahmoud Khalil, in a speech addressing the protestors. “I am very honoured to stand in front of you all today, and say, clearly and loudly, that Gaza is victorious! Our resistance is victorious! Allah’u akbar!”

“Allow me to say, Montreal4Palestine, our beautiful community, our beautiful family, mabrook, congratulations to all of you! Not only on our victory, but on your humanity.”

Following his speech, M4P’s organizers played an audio from a Gaza resident, thanking the Montreal community in Arabic for never forgetting about Palestine and for always showing up on the streets: “All the love from Gaza’s grounds to you. To every individual and person, every man, every woman that went out on the streets during these times of war.”

Although the overall sentiment was one of celebration and joy, speeches also stated the importance to continue the fight, to honour the fallen martyrs, and to not forget about Palestine — all 27,027 square kilometers of it.

“We will continue to do this [protesting] until liberation, insh’Allah,” said one of the protest chanters. “The blood of our martyrs, the tears of our women will not go in vain. Our resistance, fighting for the sake of Allah, will not be forgotten.”

The ceasefire is set to take place in three phases. The first phase:

• Will last six weeks.
• Thirty-three Israeli captives, including women, children and civilians over the age of 50 – taken during the Hamas-led attack on October 7, 2023 – will be released.
• In exchange, Israel will release a larger number of Palestinian prisoners during this phase, including prisoners serving life sentences; around 1000 were detained after October 7.
• Israel will withdraw its forces from Gaza’s population centres to areas no more than 700 metres inside Gaza’s border with Israel. However, that may not include the Netzarim Corridor (militarized belt bisecting the Strip and controlling movement along it), the withdrawal from which will take place in stages.
• Civilians will be allowed to return to their homes in the north of Gaza, and the surge of aid will be authorized into the enclave – up to 600 trucks per day.
• Wounded Palestinians are to leave the Gaza Strip for treatment, and Israel will open the Rafah crossing in Egypt seven days after the first phase’s implementation.
• Israeli forces will reduce their presence in the Philadelphi Corridor — the border area between Egypt and Gaza, and will then withdraw completely no later than the 50th day after the deal is put into action.

Both the second and third phases are entirely dependent on both sides meeting conditions agreed upon in the first phase. Although less developed than the first phase, the second phase of the agreement so far includes:

• Hamas releasing all remaining living captives — mostly male soldiers, in return for freeing more Palestinians held in the Israeli prison system.
• The document also requires Israel to “completely withdraw” from Gaza.

The third phase remains unclear, but the main points include the return of the bodies of the remaining captives, with a three-to five-year reconstruction plan of Gaza, conducted under international supervision.

However, these conditions are still debated within Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netenyahu’s cabinet, with far-right-wing members expressing their discontent and complete disagreement. Israel’s far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has threatened to resign from his position if the ceasefire deal is ratified.

The Israeli cabinet was set to sign the agreement on Thursday, but it was then moved to Friday, January 17, after Netenyahu called off the vote, claiming that Hamas was “reneging parts of the agreement.” Following this statement, senior Hamas official Izzat al-Risheq clarified that the Palestinian group was committed to the ceasefire agreement announced by mediators on Wednesday.

While the ceasefire agreement was declared on January 15, Israeli forces have since intensified their attacks on the city of Gaza, bombing about 50 sites throughout the Gaza Strip, 24 hours after the announcement was made. At least more than 100 civilians, to date, have become fallen martyrs – proving that the ceasefire does not mark the end of Palestine’s struggle.

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While the organization thrives off of civic engagement and democratic participation, student involvement has waned as students critique SSMU’s lack of transparency and its inability to produce monumental change through legislation. At such a large institution, building a strong relationship between the organization’s board of directors and all of its students is a near-impossible task. As questions of funding and resource allocation are raised by members in the midst of pushback against leadership, voter turnout has decreased by over 50 per cent between the Fall 2023 and Fall 2024 referenda. In 2024, the disconnect between students and SSMU became increasingly clear, leading members to wonder whether 2025 will bring new efforts by the organization to restore this essential relationship.

The past year was a whirlwind of activity in both pushback and progress for SSMU. The organization had a busy year, from fighting tuition hikes in February to dealing with legal issues on support for Palestine throughout the summer and into the fall – all while managing a deficit of up to 1.3 million CAD.

SSMU’s Fall elections, including the Fall 2024 referendum, general assemblies, and special elections, were definitely on students’ radar this fall. The Fall 2024 referendum gained attention after SSMU was unable to increase its membership fee for the fifth year in a row. 58.1 per cent of voters said “no” to an increase to the mandatory base fee for all undergraduate SSMU members, which would have increased the expense to 85.81 CAD for full-time students and 41.22 CAD for part-time students. According to SSMU, the fee would have allowed the student association to provide members with “assets of better quality” and more opportunities for student success while also alleviating the pressures felt by inflation and allowing the organization to operate more comfortably within their budget. Students, already struggling with the increasing cost of living in Quebec, were apprehensive about a fee increase, the use of which was unclear due to the organization’s lack of transparency. McGill undergraduates are frustrated with how the organization’s leadership communicates with
its constituency.

The year culminated with a Special General Assembly on December 5 regarding the removal of President Dymetri Taylor from office. In November, Taylor sent out an email that misconstrued the legal implications of the highly contentious Policy Against Genocide in Palestine, which has been under injunction since November 2023. This came weeks after McGill asked SSMU to sever its relationship with Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) as a student club, claiming a violation of the Memorandum of Agreement between the University and the SSMU, which is still being debated between the two legislative bodies.

Ultimately, President Taylor was not impeached, but the issue was highly important to those involved in SSMU affairs and brought a large turnout to the event. For many in attendance, the assembly marked a turning point in SSMU’s relationship with McGill students. The Special General Assembly demonstrated unity among students in their desire to enact change at McGill “Being at the [general assembly] in December was one of the only times I’ve seen so many McGill students come together with the same goal,” a student wrote in a statement to the Daily. “I recognized a lot of people who don’t typically show up to events like this on campus, which I think sets a strong precedent for students engaging more with the SSMU democracy in the coming semesters.”

As we enter the new year, SSMU has the chance to strengthen their relationship with the student body and be more transparent about the policies and inner workings of the institution. “I would like to see way more transparency from SSMU this year,” another student wrote. “I like to think that I’m a student that’s very tapped into what’s going on, and still I feel so out of the loop. […] Since it’s such a big part of our student fees, information about what the SSMU is doing should be readily available.”

Representing 24,000 students is not an easy task, especially when the student body is incredibly diverse – in identities, fields of study, and desire to become involved within McGill’s legislative body. The SSMU is designed as a vehicle to enact change at McGill, but this only works when we take advantage of the organization’s dedication to hearing our voices and representing our opinions in university affairs. We cannot critique democracy while remaining apathetic an uninvolved in its processes.

SSMU will be holding its annual Winter General Assembly on Monday, February 3, at 6:00 p.m. in the third-floor SSMU ballroom on McTavish. This meeting will allow members to enact change by participating in direct democracy as SSMU executives outline their plan for the new year.

The post A Year in Review: SSMU and the Increasing Disconnect Between Its Student Constituents appeared first on The McGill Daily.

For Montrealers, snow removal is part of the rhythm of winter life. It’s the steady hum of plows at 3:00 a.m., the towering piles of snow at street corners, and the icy sidewalks that still somehow evade city crews. But behind the scenes of this carefully choreographed chaos lies a city grappling with mounting costs, environmental fallout, and an unpredictable future shaped by climate change.

Every winter storm triggers a city-wide operation, mobilizing thousands of workers and an army of machinery. Over 10,000 kilometers of streets and sidewalks must be cleared. But this isn’t just about shovels and salt — it’s about logistics on a grand scale. Trucks cart snow to dumping sites where it’s piled into mountains taller than most buildings, and the effort requires constant coordination to avoid bottlenecks and delays.

What’s the cost of this snowy dance? It’s not just the hefty annual price tag. Road salt, a staple of snow and ice management, seeps into the soil and waterways, disrupting ecosystems and contaminating local vegetation. Then there’s the waste left behind — oil, metals, and plastic particles trapped in the snow that ends up dumped into the environment.

But the biggest threat to Montreal’s snow strategy isn’t the snow itself — it’s how the snow is changing. Climate change is rewriting the rules of winter. While total snowfall might decrease in the long run, the snow we do get is arriving in shorter, fiercer bursts. And it’s no longer just snow: freeze-thaw cycles are creating ice sheets that are tougher to clear and even harder to manage.

The city has started testing new ways to handle the pressure. Electric snow plows are rolling through neighborhoods as part of a pilot program to cut emissions. Scientists are experimenting with eco-friendly alternatives to salt. Advanced weather modeling systems are being used to predict storms more accurately, saving time and resources. These steps are promising, but they’re also just that — steps. The question remains: how effective are these methods compared to what is currently used? Can they scale up to meet the demands of Montreal’s massive snow removal operations or are they destined to remain small-scale solutions? How will they reshape the city’s ability to handle increasingly unpredictable winters?

For McGill students, this battle with snow is both a background story and a reality check. It’s about navigating campus during a storm, slipping on icy paths between classes, and realizing that the snow piles you climb over were part of a $200 million effort to make the city livable. But it’s also a chance to see how a city adapts to problems as big as the weather itself.

Maybe this is where the twist lies. Montreal’s snow removal isn’t just a story of trucks and salt. It’s about resilience, adaptation, and finding creative ways to handle challenges that cities everywhere will face as the climate continues to change. It’s a reminder that even something as mundane as clearing snow can reflect how a city fights to stay connected and move forward.

As winter rolls on, one thing is clear: Montreal isn’t backing down from its snowy foe. And in its determination, it’s carving out a blueprint for how cities can turn a battle with the elements into a story of innovation and survival.

The post Montreal’s Snow Wars: When the City Fights Winter appeared first on The McGill Daily.

While only undergraduate students in their second year or beyond studying Canadian history at a Canadian university can qualify, new Canadian residents are encouraged to apply by submitting an essay in either French or English. In Madeleine Le’s case, she qualified as a first-generation Canadian student majoring in Canadian Studies and minoring in Political Science. As a McGill undergraduate, she was introduced to the scholarship by the professor of her Canadian Political History class (HIST 370). Edward Dunsworth is an assistant professor in History and Classical Studies, concentrating on the history of Canadian immigration, labour, and politics. After hearing Le’s family history of her father’s immigration to Canada, Dunsworth saw her as an ideal candidate for the bursary.

His premonition proved true as Madeleine Le was awarded the prestigious Molloy Bursary on November 30, 2024. Le dedicated her 1000-word essay to the sacrifices her father made to establish himself as a Canadian citizen and raise his family here. Her father, Hieu Le, was a Chinese-Vietnamese refugee who fled the Vietnam War at the age of five. During his escape, he was separated from his family at a refugee camp where he remained until the Anglican Church of Canada sponsored his immigration to Ontario. In her essay, Le explains how winning the bursary would mean more than fulfilling her financial needs to further her studies: her efforts are dedicated to her father, especially as he has been supporting her post-secondary education.

Le’s essay also details the relevance of Michael James Molloy’s project “Hearts of Freedom and Flight to Freedom” to the story of her own family. Molloy’s project was based on research into Indochinese immigration in the 1970s and 1980s, with a particular emphasis on Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Laotian refugees. This diaspora would have included Le’s father. In other words, by sharing her father’s biography with CIHS, Le was able to preserve Vietnamese stories of settlement in Canada while honouring the intersectionality of her heritage with Canadian identity. The latter is especially important to Le and has inspired her to become involved in extracurricular initiatives such as the Canadian Studies Arts Undergraduate Society (CSAUS), the McGill Pre-Law Society, and McGill’s North American-born Asian Association, through which she investigates history’s role in precedents pertaining to Immigration Law.

As the former president of the CIHS, a non-partisan organization composed of immigration history academics, Michael Molloy has greatly expanded the ability for stories of Canadian immigration to be shared, through his independent work, such as that in “Running on Empty: Canada and the Indochinese Refugees, 1975-1980,” as well as partnerships with the Hearts of Freedom project, the Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21, the Indochinese and Ugandan Asian communities, and the Flight to Freedom conference held by the Hungarian community. In light of Molloy’s significant contribution to the resettlement of Indochinese and Ugandan Asian diasporas in Canada, the CIHS bursary was named after him to further honour the promotion of Canadian immigration history in today’s political scholarship arena. For Le, Molloy’s work intersects heavily with both her field of study and familial history. She finds this dual significance reflected in the bursary, one of the few available that promote the undergraduate scholarship of immigration history in Canada.

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Governor General Mary Simon has granted prorogation at the request of Trudeau, which will suspend parliamentary activity and with it, any non-finalized policy until March 24. This gives the Liberal Party a little over two months to elect a new leader and face the imminent non-confidence vote. The leaders of the Conservative Party and the New Democratic Party have promised to initiate this vote in order to trigger national elections, which were not to be held until October this year.

At the moment, Cabinet ministers in the Parliament continue to carry out their day-to-day operations, but new laws, including the non-confidence vote, have been frozen until the end of March. Considering the current state of affairs, Canada’s internal battles, and mounting pressures exercised by Trump, what does this prorogation really mean?

First, it means that national elections will be held much sooner, giving the Conservative Party an advantage. In fact, polls suggest that if national elections were held now, Poilievre and his party would have an upper hand.

However, some experts suggest that Trudeau could request a second prorogation, which has been done in the past by other political figures. This would delay the national elections, potentially giving the Liberal Party more time to reorganize in preparation to face the Conservatives on the electoral stage.

Second, it remains unclear how the new Party leader would be chosen, since the time to do so is limited. Normally, this process is carried out over a period of five months, which is not possible at this time without another propagation.

The candidates who have the potential to replace Trudeau include former Deputy and Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland, who resigned from the Liberal ranks in December, triggering a wave of dissatisfaction with Trudeau’s leadership among party members. Mark Carney, former head of the Bank of England and Bank of Canada, is another potential candidate. He has stated that he is currently considering the possibility of running for the leadership of the Liberal Party. This statement has been met with a certain degree of skepticism about the viability of his candidature, due to the fact that he has never held political office before.

It is clear that in the upcoming elections, the question of foreign policy, relating to the United States in particular, will be one of the main concerns for the electorate. This is especially pressing considering the fact that Deputy Minister Freeland has resigned partly due to her disagreement with Trudeau regarding the appropriate response to the economic policies promised by Trump. Her harsh criticism of Trudeau has certainly left a mark, and the new Liberal leader will have the task of formulating a response that would be supported by their party members and the electorate.

Polls indicate that a majority of Canadians support Trudeau’s decision to resign, as well as displaying a general sense of weariness among the public when it comes to the ten-year-long Liberal government. Some thus suggest that no matter who takes on the leadership position, the Liberal Party is doomed to lose the upcoming elections. The task at hand for the new Liberal leader would therefore be not only to regain the support of those who grew tired of the Liberal Party, but also to present the voters with a program that would address relevant, monumental issues faced by Canadian society.

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The Anti-Coloniale Student Convergence (CEAC) and Association générale des étudiantes et étudiants du Collège Lionel-Groulx (AGEECLG) planned a counter-summit protest at Place Emilie-Gamelin that Friday at 4:30 p.m., which would later merge with the larger demonstration at 5:30 p.m. on Sainte-Catherine and Saint-Urbain. These students took to the streets to oppose what they call NATO’s “destructive logic” and to reject its role in spreading “imperialism, militarism, and colonialism.”
“I want people to know that it’s not a war, it’s really genocide, and NATO are supporting this genocide,” a student from Collège Lionel-Groulx said.

NATO has long been referred to as “the West’s great military alliance.” Originally assembled in 1949, NATO formed to create a collective opposition to the USSR during the Cold War, leading to their assertion of military power in the pursuit of Soviet containment across the world. After the disassembly of the Soviet Union, NATO expanded its legions, inducting multiple post-Soviet states and European countries into the confederation. Today, NATO presents itself as a “defensive alliance,” as US President Biden stated in an address, that protects the interests of US hegemonic imperialism.

Despite its long-standing collective defence mission, NATO has faced increased scrutiny from public opinion in recent years. In the days approaching the conference, activists have demanded that Canada withdraw from the organization.

The Daily spoke with students from Collège Lionel-Groulx about their perspectives on NATO. Many believe that the organization is a military alliance funded by Western capitalists willing to do anything to expand the Western imperial agenda. Their perspectives echo some of the prominent public criticisms of NATO’s past operations, which have sparked significant debate over the alliance’s true motivations and its commitment to international law.

NATO’s previous foreign interventions have been referenced as examples to back the public’s opinions that the organization serves a Western imperialist agenda.

For example, NATO’s Operation Allied Force against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999 raised concerns over international humanitarian law: NATO conducted a bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for 78 days, prompted by Yugoslavia’s bloodshed and ethnic cleansing of Albanians in the Kosovo regions. To this day, there exists complex political tensions between Serbia and Kosovo.

In 2011, NATO established a No-Fly Zone over Libya, heeding the United Nations’ international call to protect the Libyan people from Muammar Gaddafi’s regime. Over the span of eight months, deploying 7,000 bombing sorties against Gaddafi’s forces, NATO’s military intervention in Libya concluded after the assassination of Gaddafi. However, the country spiralled into chaos and came under threat from violent extremists in the aftermath of the Muammar Gaddafi
regime’s ostracization.

Barack Obama has said that his “worst mistake” during his presidency was “failing to plan for the day after […] intervening in Libya.” Obama further conceded that NATO’s intervention “didn’t work.” White House spokesman at the time, Josh Earnest, said that Obama’s regrets extended to what “the United States and the rest of the members of our coalition didn’t do.”

The Libya intervention exemplifies NATO’s poorly conceived global security agenda. Framed as a mission to dismantle Gaddafi’s repressive regime, NATO failed to consider the critical need for a stable central government in a nation already grappling with chaos. The aftermath left Libya in deeper turmoil, prompting widespread skepticism about NATO’s true motivations, questioning the organization’s imperialist tendencies and Western-centric political agenda.

Most recently, under Joe Biden’s leadership this past July, NATO promised an additional 40 billion euros of military and financial support for Ukraine in its defence against the Russian army, two years after Russia launched the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. However, the year-long war in Gaza has been largely ignored by most NATO members.

Friday’s anti-NATO protest was conjoined with a pro-Palestine protest led by the Divest for Palestine Collective. The organization announced their message to “NATO and to governments complicit in the oppression of people around the world” in a press release on November 24 stating that “peace cannot be built through arms and repression. It is built through solidarity between peoples and resistance to oppression in all its forms.”

Student activists from Le Collège Lionel-Groulx, who wished to remain anonymous, voiced their opinions, calling out NATO’s failure to act in not supporting the people of Gaza. “It’s hypocrisy. Why would you say that you support human rights, but then when it’s also about other cultures, like from Arabic countries, why are you not showing up?” one of the students said.

“Right now, they’re meeting in Montreal because of global security and all, but they don’t care about the 43,000 people that are dead in Gaza.* I think it’s not logical that Israel is part of it and does things against the principles that they support,” another student told the Daily.

This past July, Spain’s Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez emphasized the need for NATO to adopt a consistent political stance, urging the alliance to avoid double standards in addressing global conflicts like those in Gaza and Ukraine. Speaking at the NATO Public Forum in Washington, D.C., Sanchez argued, “If we are telling our people that we are supporting Ukraine because we are defending international law, this is the same [as] what we have to do towards Gaza.”

The Daily also spoke with several students from the University of Montreal who echoed this sentiment, expressing their concerns over NATO’s inaction. “They’re walking on eggshells. They don’t want to go deep into the problem, and they only stay on the surface. Unfortunately, it’s not enough,” they said.
The Service de Police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) closely monitored the protest, deploying bicycles, mounted officers on horses, patrol cars, and vans to encircle the crowd completely.

“This is a significant step toward building a collective force for change and advancing decolonial education,” a speaker announced during the protest. “It’s thanks to all of you who voted ‘yes’ to the strike and to those who are here in the streets with us today. Together, as a community, we can work toward freeing Palestine. Remember, this is both a continuation of the struggles that came before us and the beginning of those yet to come.” With these words, the protesters began to move to the location of the general demonstration.

Later that evening, the protest escalated as the SPVM used chemical irritants and physical force, leading to at least four people being injured and sent to the hospital. One protester was clubbed over the head by an officer, and the SPVM assaulted first-aiders on the scene. Three protesters were arrested by the SPVM for “impeding police work.” Since these events, politicians across the country, including Defence Minister Bill Blair and Quebec Premier François Legault, have claimed that the protest was explicitly antisemitic, unlawful, and violent. The Divest for Palestine Collective refuted their statements, saying that “these are false accusations aimed at delegitimizing the solidarity movement for the liberation of Palestine and undermining the fight against anti-Semitism.”

* The death toll in Gaza is over 44,000 today.

The post Anti-NATO and Pro-Palestinian Activists Call For Canada’s Withdrawal From NATO appeared first on The McGill Daily.

In an attempt to regulate immigration, the provincial government is restricting the number of Quebec Selection Certificates (CSQs) awarded to immigrants, an essential document for achieving permanent resident status. This will effectively freeze immigration pathways through the Quebec Experience Program (PEQ) graduate stream and the Regular Skilled Workers Program (RSWP), targeting foreign students and workers attempting to attain permanent residency in Canada.

Since the program’s introduction in 2010, the PEQ has been indispensable in facilitating the path to permanent residency for international students in Quebec. Established to make it easier for employers to hire qualified graduates already familiar with the province, the program primarily serves graduate students who have studied in Quebec for at least two years. But in recent reforms, international students — specifically anglophones — are finding it increasingly difficult to find a permanent home in Quebec. New requirements include advanced French proficiency

for primary applicants and application caps from specific countries, making the program much more selective. With this suspension in place, the number of students obtaining permanent residency in Quebec is projected to drop from 19,000 to 15,000 in 2025.

The RSWP, set to transition to the Skilled Worker Selection Program at the end of the month, has allowed immigrants to reside permanently in Quebec, given a declaration of interest in immigrating to the province for work. Foreign workers and students have been targeted with harsh rhetoric and animosity in the face of Canada’s housing crisis and are now faced with the possibility of losing both their jobs and their homes.

Immigration Minister Jean- Francois Roberge claims that pausing both programs will allow Quebec to gain more control over immigration and further limit the number of admissions of immigrants under permanent programs. This comes after years of claims that immigrants settling in the province has been detrimental to Quebec’s language and culture. The projected rate of immigration for 2025 is actually much higher than the projections of previous years – but now with the goal of admitting upwards of 80% francophone immigrants.

The province claims to be committed to a “balanced, diverse immigration strategy,” but many believe the suspension of the PEQ and the RSWP is in stark contrast to this. The new immigration plan has caused uproar from opposing parties; the Legault government has been slammed by leaders of the Parti Quebecois and the Quebec Liberal Party, both of whom have criticized the policy as an inadequate solution to the province’s immigration issues.

Migrants already living and working or studying in Quebec have been protesting across the province, saying that the new policies are detrimental. For many, their short-term status is precarious, and this suspension threatens their safety. Workers or students seeking asylum in Montreal have banded together with support from the Immigrant Workers Centre and Migrante Quebec, among other organizations, to protest the suspension and advocate for respect and acceptance from the community. International students have rallied across the city, pressuring the Ministry of Immigration to re-evaluate the suspension. Foreign workers continue to make their voices known by calling for recognition by the government and planning strikes to prove their indispensable roles within the economy and the community.

Canada continues to limit immigration pathways for those seeking asylum in permanent status. The Quebec government’s immigration policy will further complicate the lives of international students and foreign workers throughout the province who want Quebec to become their forever home.

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Under the administration of Francois Legault and the Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ), the provincial parliament passed Bill 96 in June 2022. The bill is meant to solidify Francophone and French language rights province-wide. It has received heavy criticism following its release due to its treatment of business regulation in French, the freeze on English CEGEP students, and the six month window for immigrants to learn the French language.

Although this bill has been in effect for an extended period, this is one of the PLQ’s first clear proposals to combat it. They seek to implement a Quebec constitution that protects English language rights across the province and fights back against certain Bill 96 restrictions. This was seen as progress for the many families and lives affected by this change in the language laws. Following Bill 96’s enactment, anglophone citizens across Quebec have been concerned about how they might fit into a province that does not want them to speak their first language.

Many English-speaking immigrants find the transition between beginner’s French and French fluency difficult, especially within six months. Between 2022 and 2023, the province saw an increase of 52,800 immigrants, all of whom would be required to obtain an intermediate level of French, potentially coming with no experience in the language. Furthermore, the freeze on English CEGEP programs puts Anglophone middle and high schoolers in situations where they cannot begin their education with the CEGEP program due to their lack of fluency in French.

Many businesses have also been concerned about closure since they cannot keep up with the French advertising and sign laws. Places such as music stores across Quebec have struggled to find French branding for their instruments, which could result in heavy fines for businesses.

Many members of the PLQ were unhappy with the bill’s passing. Deepak Awasti, who is currently running to be the head of the PLQ in the upcoming election, criticized Bill 96, stating, “We seem to be going back to the old founding nations thesis. In this document, we are talking about the aspirations of the French nation vis-à-vis Canada. We are not talking about the aspirations of all Quebecers. […] I don’t want Quebec to be ethnicized. I don’t want Quebec to become the petit-Québec.”

People across the province are concerned about the passing of this bill, and the PLQ have had to hastily construct a response to it. Current PLQ members, including André Pratt and William Tetley, proposed and passed a motion to create a clearly outlined Quebec constitution. This proposed constitution would strengthen Anglophone rights by restoring certain restrictions put in place by Bill 96, such as access to healthcare in English or the previously mentioned English student CEGEP freeze across the province.

Amidst all this action, the PLQ is in the process of electing its new leader while discussing how to combat these laws and strengthen Francophone and Anglophone relations. The province is not due for another election until October 2026, and it is unlikely that the current CAQ will call for one. In light of the upcoming federal election in October 2025, we are seeing an increased effort by the PLQ to distance themselves from the currently unfavoured federal Liberal Party, which across Canada has not been viewed well due to their handling of the housing crisis and large country deficit – a price deficit that is also present in Quebec at currently around $11 billion. Pablo Rodriguez, a former Federal Liberal member of parliament who stepped down to run for the leader of the PLQ, gained strides in support during the debate in Lévis, with people chanting his name as he arrived outside. Rodriguez has also faced criticism from other party members, who say they do not want any Federal Liberals to have significant power in the PLQ due to Canada’s current national debt.

Many people across Quebec feel uncertain about how Anglophone rights will change with Bill 96. The Daily had the chance to interview an international student at McGill, who said that “the amount of French language laws and regulations was previously a deterrent on coming to Quebec for me. If, further down the line, even more language requirements came into effect, it would’ve affected my decision to even come here at all.” To many people, Quebec is their home and one they want to keep for the future. If this constitution is passed, it could make strides for Anglophone rights across the province, uniting people who both want to see the French language stay alive and those who want to come here not knowing but wanting to learn the language and make Quebec their home. The basis of this constitution is not to diminish Francophone rights across the province but instead to find harmony between the English and French languages and determine their use in everyday situations. A province does not have to exist in the context of one language or another, and this constitution would fight to make it so that both Anglophones and Francophones feel at home
in Quebec.

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