The Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) between McGill and SSMU is a formal contract governing their relationship, dictating issues such as the SSMU’s ability to collect student fees, use McGill’s name, and access campus spaces. Under Article 10 of the agreement, either party may terminate the relationship, provided a mediation process is undertaken first. The current MOA, signed in 2022 and set to expire in 2027, has now been called into question due to what McGill administration views as SSMU’s failure to disassociate from activist groups. In the aforementioned email, Interim Deputy Provost Angela Campbell wrote that “SSMU allowed and, at least tacitly, supported a three-day strike that further divided a campus community already deeply cleaved and hurting,” referencing incidents during the April strike that the administration described as disruptive and unsafe.

The university’s decision came shortly after the end of the student strike. Endorsed by Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR), the strike was enacted through a motion passed at the March 27 Special General Assembly, where students voted in favor of divestment and public solidarity with Palestinians. Throughout the strike period, students organized picket lines, teach-ins, and demonstrations.

While many of these events were peaceful, some rallies brought demonstrable acts of violence and the obstruction of classes.  The administration cited an incident involving vandalism in the James Administration Building as an example of unacceptable behaviour. In an email addressed to all McGill students, Interim Deputy Provost Angela Campbell wrote that the strike created “a campus environment in which dozens of classes were blocked or interrupted.” She claimed that the university’s “goal is not to silence dissent, but to affirm that all students—whatever their identity or politics—deserve to live, learn, and express themselves on a campus freedom of fear, harassment, or violence, where their dignity is respected.”

In response to McGill’s notice of termination, Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights McGill (SPHR) – though not an SSMU-affiliated organization – issued a statement accusing the university of “attacking student democracy.” In an Instagram post on April 7, SPHR wrote: “McGill has once again attacked the pro-Palestine student movement, intending to crack down on democratic forms of protest like a strike.” They described the decision as a “strategy of extortion” and a response to “pressure from Zionist donors and our warmongering political class.” The group called on the SSMU to refuse further concessions during negotiations and to “stand firmly with Palestine and our democratically enforced demand for divestment.”

In a statement issued to the McGill Daily, SSMU President Dymetri Taylor reassured that organizational “operations are normal,” noting that SSMU-affiliated clubs, services, and staff employment will remain unaffected during mediation. Taylor emphasized SSMU’s commitment to advocacy and the democratic representation of its undergraduate constituency.

One senator from the Arts Undergraduate Society (AUS) also weighed in on McGill’s decision. Anzhu Wei, who attended the GA and supported the motion, called the university’s termination of the MOA “ridiculous,”  adding that students are being punished for their political beliefs.

The termination of the MOA places the future of SSMU in limbo. Without the agreement, SSMU could lose the right to collect fees, occupy space in the University Centre, and coordinate student services in their current capacity, per Taylor’s statement. Campbell stated that the university remains “fully committed to ensuring that students continue to have strong, democratic representation and uninterrupted access to critical services.” Still, for students, the structure of that future representation remains unclear.

According to McGill’s public letter, the university will enter mediation with SSMU within two weeks of the termination letter. Until June, both parties will attempt to resolve the conflict, with the possibility of renewing or restructuring their agreement.

As the mediation process begins, SSMU has committed to transparency and regular updates. Students are encouraged to follow SSMU’s social media platforms and official channels for developments. Campbell similarly assured students the University would “keep [them] informed as we navigate this process.” In the meantime, McGill students continue to express concern over the long-term implications of the termination.

SSMU’s ability to function as an independent student union, manage funding, and maintain club spaces depends on the resolution of this process. As such, both the administration and student leadership face a critical moment in reshaping undergraduate representation at the university. McGill’s decision to suspend its agreement with SSMU signals a new and uncertain chapter in campus governance. What began as a student-led strike has sparked a broader reckoning over the limits of protest and student power.

The Daily reached out to McGill’s media relations team to provide comment on the administration’s rationale regarding the termination, how it perceives its relationship with SSMU, as well as what they expect from the negotiations. As of publishing, McGill has not given the Daily a response.

The post McGill Terminates Agreement with SSMU Following Pro-Palestinian Student Strike appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Get Organized! is a workshop series launched by SSMU External Affairs earlier this year. The series offers students a chance to connect with local movements, learn political organizing skills, and build relationships rooted in action. 

“The workshop series started and was kind of inspired by a similar series at the CSU at Concordia that was called Get Radical,” shared Jamila, who works as the Policy and Mobilization Researcher at SSMU External Affairs. “It’s a really clear entry point for anybody at McGill who’s been looking to get involved but finds it overwhelming or doesn’t know who to reach out to or what to join.”

When she first arrived in Montreal, Jamila wanted to be politically active, but found it intimidating to join spaces without knowing anyone. “Get Organized has been a really, really wonderful way for people to just get to know each other and make friends with people that share an interest in being politically active,” she stated.

Each session  featured local grassroots organizations doing movement work, including SLAM-MATU, Students for Migrant Justice, the Immigrant Workers Center, and Mobilizing for Milton Park.

“Each workshop has one or multiple local organizations doing some kind of grassroots organizing,” Jamila explained. They noted how the workshops “make it possible for people to feel more empowered politically by making friends and comrades, learning about things that are already happening, and then learning skills so that they can start things autonomously if they like.”

Though McGill has cracked down on certain forms of campus advocacy, particularly around Palestinian solidarity, Pitre says Get Organized! hasn’t encountered those barriers.

“I think that we’ve been able to put forth some quite radical programming and have really candid discussions about things like protest safety and knowing your rights when interacting with the police, but also McGill security.”

For Pitre and her team, part of the series intends to introduce students to new avenues of involvement beyond what’s already visible. “There are so many other ways for people to get involved … and we wanted to broaden the different range of struggles and local groups that students are aware of so they can get involved in other things.”

Harlan Porfiri, a student from the US, shared that the political context at home deeply shaped their motivation to join: “In the United States, the rise of fascism is particularly concerning. The rise of anti-trans rhetoric and legislation as well as weaning access to reproductive healthcare immediately threatens the well-being of my friends and family.”

Harlan heard about the workshop series through McGill Students for Good Jobs and signed up right away. Sharing their experience, Harlan said they “feel more knowledgeable about the organizing happening in my community and how I can make an impact as a student. I am impressed and inspired by the number of people interested in organizing, as well as the resources available to us as students to do so.”

“The current state of the world often moves me to fear, but I can say with absolute certainty that putting my energy toward community organizing has given me hope and the strength to look forward. It’s a very powerful feeling to be in a room full of people who see some injustice or some lack in the community and agree that they want to do something to fight against or change it.”

When asked what she’d say to someone on the fence about joining, she replied:

“It just feels so empowering to get to know other people and skills that make it possible for you to just do something, without waiting for the opportunity to come up. You look around and see things that you want to change in your community … having other people and skills to make that happen is really empowering.” 

For future workshop or mini-series opportunities, follow @ssmu_ea on Instagram.

The post “Get Organized”: A Workshop Series for Students Who Want to Do More appeared first on The McGill Daily.

On a chilly Saturday evening, all cozied up with a hot bowl of homemade chilli, I finally watched John M. Chu’s Wicked (2024), four months after its theatre release. Don’t judge me.

I was already somewhat familiar with the original Broadway play that opened in 2003 with Idina Menzel and Kristin Chynoweth, starring respectively as the Wicked Witch of West, Elphaba, and the Good Witch of the East, Galinda (Glinda). I also just discovered it was based upon Wicked: The Life and Times of the Wicked Witch of the West, a novel published in 1995 and written by Gregory Maguire.

However, I was unprepared for the rollercoaster of emotions that the movie put me through. It’s always interesting to see how one experiences the same work of art at different stages of their lives.

When I was first introduced to Wicked, the musical, my first impression of it was very superficial. The political undertone of the story was completely lost on me, although I always understood that Elphaba was ostracized because she was “different” and Glinda was loved because she was always “just right.” 

This time around, I saw Wicked for all its realistic and dark glory, and came to the conclusion that Elphaba isn’t just a green witch. Elphaba is an icon and inspiration for all women of colour.

Elphaba’s journey throughout the movie is nothing surprising to the women of colour who do not conform to the delicate, petite and pixie-like beauty standards revered by society. Her looks, however, are not the only thing that people run away from. It is her unapologetically loud and deviant attitude, in addition to her powerful nature.

Having grown up shunned and hated by her father all of her life, Elphaba is no stranger to society casting her out. However, she doesn’t act meek. Quite the opposite — she is quippy and sarcastic, beating everyone to the punch.

Upon everyone’s first impressions of her, Elphaba simply answers with, “Fine, might as well get this over with, no I’m not sea sick, yes I’ve always been green, no I didn’t eat grass as a child.”

Her green skin represents an allegory for anything in one’s appearance considered “different” or “out of the ordinary” (whatever that means!): a slightly bigger nose than average, a darker complexion, freckled skin, textured unruly hair … the list goes on. In modern world terms, ya ain’t white.

People only seem to start noticing Elphaba more positively when Glinda gives her a makeover so she can be “popular” among her fellow students. Elphaba starts wearing her hair down in a half-updo, just like her blonde counterpart, even going as far as emulating Glinda’s signature hair flip to seem quirky and cute.

But what really struck me wasn’t the physical makeover, nor was it the change in the students’ attitudes once Elphaba and Glinda started becoming close.

It was Madame Morrible’s treatment of Elphaba.

Madame Morrible — powerful sorceress, headmistress of Crage Hall at Shiz University and cohort of The Wizard of Oz — in all her grey haired glory, takes Elphaba under her wing for the entirety of the film, after first witnessing the latter’s powers at Shiz’s great hall.

As the story goes, we are made to believe that Madame Morrible is just honing Elphaba’s craft so she can become a better sorceress. But upon closer inspection, Madame Morrible doesn’t teach her anything. She just taunts her student, trying to gauge how her powers work and what can activate them, like when she reminds Elphaba of the hateful message left on Dr. Dillamond’s board to see if the anger will get her to cast a spell.

This all comes to a head in the final moments of the movie, when Elphaba and Glinda go to the Emerald City to see the wizard. Elphaba reads a spell in the Grimmerie, giving wings to the monkeys against her will. Once she realizes she’d been used, she rebels and runs away, leading Madame Morrible to vilify her in front of all of Oz, painting her as a wicked witch.

The moment becomes a brilliant depiction of what happens when you defy the system, when  your talent does not serve them anymore. Madame Morrible used Elphaba’s powers for her own agenda, but once she realizes Elphaba could not be subdued, she decides to shift her focus to what she could control: the reputation around the Green Girl.

And it got me thinking just how many women of colour throughout the years have been  villainized and criticized. Because they refuse to conform to the system that was oppressing them, denying against  their own erasure. It got me thinking how many times those same women are still villainized in everyday life, but become praised when shown on the big screen, mimicking the irony of it all.

So this is for all the Elphabas out there as this Women’s History Month comes to a close. Keep on defying gravity –  even if you’re flying solo, at least you’re flying free.

The post Elphaba Defies All Gravity appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Similarly, U1 Political Science student Charlotte Gillogley, who joined the team at the start of the winter semester, credits that same collaborative spirit in K-RAVE along with her interest in K-pop as to why she joined the club’s Communications Team. “I had a friend who was an exec, and it seemed like a really good community,” she said. “I heard lots of funny stories about the different execs and how they were all super nice.”

On March 22, K-RAVE, McGill’s K-pop and Korean entertainment club, hosted their 6th annual showcase, Haute Kouture, at Le National. The event featured songs by artists like BTS, aespa, TWICE,
and Enhypen, and it was the product of a year-long effort by both dancers and executives. Dancers can additionally hold responsibilities as Performance Executives, who organize practice schedules, book studios, and send out song suggestion forms, or as Dance Leaders, who lead performances, distribute parts equally among dancers, and provide feedback.

According to U3 Science and Pharmacology student Emilie Jarman, whose roles include VP Performance and dance leader, responsibilities for dancers ramp up over the course of the school year. In fall, dancers are expected to work on one cover posted to YouTube and practice roughly 2-4 hours a week, while in winter, showcase preparation can require up to 10 hours. Jarman performed in songs “Shhh!” by Viviz, “Dangerous” by BOYNEXTDOOR, “Strategy” by TWICE, and a BTS Medley, and was a dance leader for the latter two. She led the “Strategy” team by herself due to her expertise in performing girl-group styles of dance, and co-led the Medley with Annie Nguyen, Christine Wu, and
Sien Pei. Preparation for the medley began well before the school year started, with a four-hour-long call to decide which songs to include.

K-Pop incorporates a variety of genres into its production, and thus, the setlist for the showcase featured a range of dance styles. Alongside dancing in the Street Woman Fighter Medley and “Igloo” by Kiss of Life, Lock was especially excited to perform the Throwback Girl Group Medley under the leadership of her friend Frida Hou, and challenged herself by learning to dance in heels. “For the Girl Group Medley, every time they put the suggestion sheet out since I joined the club, I had put it in there,” she said. “The challenge came in when we started thinking about unified performance and when we all threw a pair of heels on […] Heels completely change the way you dance, but we all managed that really well.”

While leading her team, Jarman strived to establish a feeling of community as much as she emphasized practice, in order to help dancers feel welcome to voice their thoughts. Although she had not practiced with many of the dancers before the semester, she ultimately led them to success in creating a strong team dynamic. “Each week, each group gets closer and closer. Everyone gets more comfortable talking to each other or sharing corrections,” she said. “[Knowing] how people think or communicate is what gets the group to have good chemistry so that you can have a good performance.”

Although dancers perform in different songs and some may never be in an act together, it does not stop them from fostering a sense of community with one another. On the day of the showcase, Lock recalled how Tini Liu made the effort to talk to all of the other dancers and snap a memory with each of them with a digital camera. “During the showcase, she was going around with this digital camera, asking everyone to take a picture with her, and I thought that was so sweet,” she said. “Before, I hadn’t gotten the opportunity to meet her cause I wasn’t practising at the same time as her, and I thought it was a great way to talk to people and get those memories.” The cooperative effort extends from the dance practice rooms at the Fieldhouse to Leacock, where executives attend weekly meetings on Wednesdays. Although executives are divided into teams to carry out different tasks, they often collaborate with one another. The Communications team, for example, worked with Production to create content for the showcase’s sponsors and collaborated with Graphics for Social Media promotion. On the day of the showcase, while dancers practiced on stage, Gillogley and the rest of the Communications team ran around backstage to create a plethora of content to advertise the showcase on TikTok and Instagram. “It was a very fun bonding moment, especially as a new exec,” she said. “No one would judge someone for their idea. It was a very supportive environment, and I think we had a lot of fun making videos together.”

According to Lock, K-RAVE became her family when she was new to university. Over the years, she noticed that the audition pool has increased since she applied to become a dancer, and is overjoyed that more people are interested in joining the club. “K-RAVE is a great opportunity to have a built-in community when you’re coming to a new place,” she said. “I have this really great group of people that I get to hang out with every Saturday when we go to practice, and maybe grab a coffee after.” Jarman, who graduates at the end of the semester, said she will look back at her three years in K-RAVE with fond memories, thankful for the friendships formed, the confidence she developed, and the passion for dance it fostered. “K-RAVE has made my university experience […] Participating in K-RAVE has given me a lot of opportunities to be able to go out of my comfort zone and talk to new people and express how I feel,” she said. “I just hope the club continues to grow and that it continues to be a space for people to come together and destress from school or life while doing what makes them happy.”

The post K-RAVE’s K-pop Kraze appeared first on The McGill Daily.

On March 3, 2025, two Palestinian members of the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) submitted a motion calling for a Special Strike General Assembly (SGA) to deliberate on initiating a student strike in support of Palestinian liberation. This motion was accompanied by a petition garnering 52 signatures from students across various faculties, meeting the constitutional requirements set forth in Article 13.2 of the SSMU Constitution. Article 13.2 mandates that for a Special General Assembly to be convened, a written request must be submitted by at least 50 members representing a minimum of four different faculties or schools, with no more than 50 per cent of the signatories from any single faculty.  Upon satisfying these criteria, the SSMU scheduled the SGA for Thursday, March 27.

The motion received significant backing from campus organizations, notably Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) McGill. SPHR actively promoted the initiative, urging students to participate in the SGA and support the strike motion. Their endorsement emphasized the urgency of addressing the university’s affiliations and investments perceived to be complicit in actions against Palestinian communities. In preparation for the strike, SPHR continues to post support resources for activists, emphasizing that “in every historic example of divestment, prolonged mass student mobilization was essential to success.” 

The proposed strike motion outlined three central objectives:

• First, it calls on McGill University to divest from companies involved in weapons manufacturing and operations within Israeli-occupied territories; including but not limited to Lockheed Martin, Airbus, Textron, and Thales. Further, the strike would emphasize the need to reexamine financial entanglements deemed complicit in human rights violations.
• Second, it advocates for academic disruption through a temporary cessation of classes, intended as a material and symbolic act of protest to draw campus-wide attention to the Palestinian cause.
• Third, the motion demands institutional accountability, urging the administration to sever ties with entities implicated in the oppression of Palestinian communities. Additionally, the strike would put pressure on McGill to stop disciplinary action against students mobilizing for Palestinian rights. 

The March 27 General Assembly saw hundreds of students pack into the SSMU Cafeteria, reaching the maximum in-person capacity of 300, while over 400 more joined online through Zoom. The energy in the room was charged in in  a mix of tension, urgency, and collective determination. Students lined up at microphones to speak passionately for and against the motion, debating the implications, logistics, and symbolism of striking. Discussion featured both emotional appeals and procedural interventions, reflecting the deep engagement of attendees. While many voiced unequivocal support for the motion, both the principles and practices of the strike were debated. In the end, the motion passed by a significant majority,, with 679 SSMU members voting in favouur. 

The motion outlines that the strike is intended as an act of protest against the university’s perceived complicity in the oppression of Palestinians. It specifically demands that McGill University divest from companies involved in the occupation of Palestinian territories and the manufacturing of arms. The motion further calls for the disruption of regular academic activity to raise awareness and foster solidarity. During the strike, undergraduate students are asked not to attend class: however, students may still submit assignments online and attend scheduled exams. During class time, students are urged to participate in strike-related programming. These include information sessions, picket lines, and artistic interventions meant to mobilize broader campus dialogue and public visibility. 

Statements from organizers emphasized the urgency of collective action. During the GA, attendees cited recent developments in Gaza and longstanding student organizing traditions as motivators for their involvement. Members of SPHR and others expressed that this strike would not only be about Palestine, but also about confronting institutional complicity and reclaiming agency as students within university governance.

Speaker and organizer Rama Al Malah expressed the urgency of the motion, introducing the strike as part of a continuous effort for Palestinian liberation. “We know this is the will of the students, and we will strike and continue to fight for our people no matter what,” she shared in an emotional address to the crowd. 

Although the motion ultimately passed, the discussion at the GA reflected a range of conflicting student opinions. Some attendees voiced apprehension over academic consequences for students, while opposing parties challenged the effectiveness of the strike motion. Procedural debates arose around how to balance democratic participation with accessibility in a hybrid setting. 

“The atmosphere at the GA was full of hope — the entire room was buzzing with energy when I walked in. After the motion passed almost unanimously, everyone erupted into cheers and applause,” a student in attendance shared on the spirit of the event. 

SPHR’s framing of the strike echoed similar calls made during past student mobilizations at McGill, including anti-tuition hike protests and campaigns for fossil fuel divestment. Most notably, McGill students organized a pro-Palestinian encampment in 2024 that lasted several months, featuring teach-ins and cultural programming in what students called a “liberated zone” on campus. The encampment called for university divestment from companies tied to Israel’s military operations and drew national media attention before being dismantled. 

The McGill strike also arrives amid a broader wave of student-led activism across Montreal. Just one day prior, on March 26, around 200 students from Dawson College staged a walkout and marched to Concordia University as part of a coordinated day of action for Palestine, reinforcing a city-wide momentum for solidarity movements. This follows an emergency protest for Palestine on March 18, where hundreds of activists took to the streets and organized in front of the U.S. Consulate after Israel resumed its aggression on Gaza.

As of now, no public statement has been issued by the McGill administration or faculty associations regarding the motion or strike.  According to the motion, students are encouraged to participate in events relating to Palestinian liberation and refrain from attending classes. SPHR and supporting organizers are expected to coordinate teach-ins, community-building sessions, and peaceful demonstrations on campus, facilitated by SSMU. While the motion outlines no formal penalties for students who do not participate, it emphasizes the symbolic power of mass mobilization. Further details regarding event schedules, accommodations, and outreach will be shared on social media platforms in the days ahead.

This moment represents a significant chapter in McGill’s long legacy of student activism. “It is the students who steer us towards truth and justice,” Al Malah stated during the presentation of the strike motion. “We learned from history that students have the power to force the hands of our political class and administration that divestment is possible.” The passage of the strike motion underscores a renewed student interest in global solidarity and institutional accountability. With a resounding turnout and a mandate to act, McGill undergraduates have made clear that their vision of education extends beyond the classroom, and is rooted in justice, equity, and meaningful global engagement.

Whether or not the strike achieves its concrete demands, it has already galvanized a generation of students into collective consciousness and participation. As the strike approaches, all eyes are on what unfolds next — and on how student voices continue to shape the university’s stance in an increasingly politicized global landscape.

The post McGill on Strike: Student Solidarity for Palestine appeared first on The McGill Daily.

The following interview has been edited and shortened for clarity.

Aurelien Lechantre for the McGill Daily (MD): Could you begin by introducing yourselves and what you do for OSVRSE?

Jen Collins (JC): Yes, I’m Jen Collins. I’m the educational advisor for OSVRSE, the Office of Sexual Violence Response Support and Education. I’ve been here since August and I do programming, promote things for the office and manage the volunteer team, which are called peer educators. 

Alice Dautigny (AD): And I’m Alice Dautigny. I’m part of the peer educators team at OSVRSE: we are a team of seven student volunteers who give workshops to different groups and clubs from McGill, but  we’re trying to open it up to more students. Thus our work consists in helping organize events, managing the OSVRSE Instagram, and educating the community on how to respond to assault disclosure or situations of sexual violence.

MD: Then would you say the main activity of the office consists in the education aspect through such workshops? 

JC: OSVRSE is first and foremost a support space for those impacted by sexual violence. It’s a central spot on campus for that: we support anybody impacted by sexual violence by creating a safe space. We help people navigate receiving sexual violence disclosures from a friend, and support those who have experienced sexual violence themselves.  Even professors come in and ask about how to make their classroom a more safe and welcoming environment. So we help with accommodation, psychosocial support and counselling, safety planning, etc.

Then our student volunteers do workshops for clubs. Peer-to-peer learning is great because the students understand each other: they know what they’re going through and how to adapt presentations to the audience.

MD: What do these workshops mainly consist of, and what do they entail?  Is it like a class about the subject, the topic you’re about, or is it interactive? Who is your audience?

AD: Most of our audience, until now, is composed of clubs looking to organize events. Usually these events involve alcohol and drinking, so workshops are required for the audience to be able to respond if there’s any issue during their event. The workshops are educational content about several topics that can be interesting for student organizations to be aware of: being an active bystander and responding to disclosure (understanding how to behave if someone during an event comes to you for support). Our workshops are designed to be interactive, with lots of questions, simulations so people can put themselves in the place of an active bystander to prepare for real case situations, looking at real life scenarios, and always a 30-minute Q&A session.

MD: You mentioned active bystanders. What do you mean by that exactly? 

AD: In a workshop context, we like to use the term active bystander to teach participants how to behave when you’re a witness of sexual violence or sexual harassment. So usually it’s looking at our behaviour as witnesses in public spaces and can also be if you witness your friends in toxic relationships with dangerous sexual violence behaviors.

MD: Why do you think it important to comprehend this role of active bystander, specifically on campus?

AD:  I feel like McGill’s campus is both huge and very lively: partying, drinking and meeting people are an inherent part of campus life. Thus it is really important to have associations like OSVRSE and to make sure everyone is aware of the reality of sexual violence at our age.  There’s the beginning of many relationships and discovery of the dating world, so it is important to help prevent and educate people on what is a safe relationship and how to recognise abuse, sexual violence or toxicity — as, unfortunately, sexual violence is a reality for thousands of people, especially students 

MD: Do you think most McGill students are educated on such matters today? Are there other initiatives that OSVRSE has put in place to further education and awareness surrounding sexual violence on campus? 

JC: It is difficult to measure this precisely with stats, but I think “It Takes All Of Us” (“It Takes All of Us” is an online education program about consent and sexual violence, mandatory for every student entering McGill) is great in that aspect. It was created before I came here, but I got to take part in doing it and seeing it in the office. It’s really helpful: I wish I had it when I was in undergrad at my university.

AD: Actually, I heard about OSVRSE through the “It Takes All of Us” form. I looked up who the association was after seeing it in the form, then I saw they were searching for volunteers and  joined! But the other volunteers mostly heard of it through “My Involvement” or directly on the OSVRSE website. 

MD: How and where might we find you? If a student needs support or just wants to participate in a workshop, how can we get to know that? 

JC: You can go online at the OSVRSE website: you could book a workshop, you could see a response advisor, the different possibilities are all on our website and if you don’t see a time slot that works for you, you can always email the office, osvrse@mcgill.ca, and we’ll get back to you within our office hours. 

MD: Do you have anything to add? Perhaps an upcoming event or somewhere we might find you?

JC: Yes! On April 1, in honor of Sexual Assault Awareness Month, we are holding a trivia event at Mac campus. There’ll be food and prizes, and it’ll be really fun. We got a lot of local businesses to donate gift cards for raffles and prizes. So we really want to end the year with a big, fun event –  I think everyone loves trivia.

AD: And follow our Instagram (@OSVRSEmcgill) if you want to stay updated and participate in future workshops and events!

The post Highlighting OSVRSE appeared first on The McGill Daily.

The event was hosted by Marlyne, who is also the founder of Sweet Like Honey—an organisation specifically created for QTBIPOC in Montreal who relate to the lesbian or sapphic experience. As a performer herself, Marlyne wanted to create a safe space for other sapphic performers to dance freely. Through Sweet Like Honey, she hosts various lesbian and sapphic strip club nights for these dancers. Marlyne helped to recruit many of the performers for this Burlesque Night, relying on her network of dancers (whom she affectionately refers to as her “Honeybees”).

Each and every one of the performers put on a show to remember. Salty Margarita, the founder of Latino Burlesque, kicked things off with a fabulously flamboyant dance to upbeat Latin music. Drag king Alastair S!N kept energy high throughout his performance, dancing to powerful beats and engaging the audience effortlessly. He was followed by Queen Macondo, who put on one of the campiest and most entertaining shows of the night involving an elaborate tea-pouring ritual. 

There wasn’t a single moment throughout the night when the audience wasn’t cheering on the dancers. A short break followed the first round of performances, during which I was able to ask the event organisers to speak about the importance of planning events like these.

“Working at QM, we’re able to provide a platform for queer people, especially for those within the community who are often excluded or attacked in other spaces,” said Valeria Munoz, who also serves as Events Coordinator for Queer McGill. “We’re always trying to reaffirm our commitment to creating safe spaces for all the intersections that exist within queer identities […] especially trying to create and preserve queer joy whenever we can.”

The emphasis on queer joy was deeply felt in every part of the event. As the performances continued, “galactic goddess” Cosmic Creme took to the stage in a white wedding dress complete with a bouquet of flowers which were tossed into the crowd. Queef Latina went next, taking things up a notch with another campy show to get the audience excited. Award-winning drag queen Genesis Loren did some more crowdwork, walking through the rows of audience members, finishing off with a classy dance number onstage. 

For the final surprise, Marlyne herself took to the stage under her persona Carmen Mayhem — truly ending things off with a bang! 

The night was filled with applause, laughter, raucous cheering, and unabashed queer joy. It was more than just another burlesque show; it was a celebration of queer artistry and performance, dedicated to highlighting the voices that are often sidelined. 

“Sex workers and burlesque artists have always been at the frontlines of LGBTQ+ activism,” said Marlyne, during her final speech of the night. “Too many times they get pushed to the perimeters […] but for us they’re at the forefront.”

The post Celebrating QTBIPOC Burlesque Performers appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Every year, countless students escape Montreal’s brutal winter in favour of destinations promising warmth and endless parties. Unfortunately, this form of tourism also generates the perfect playground for reckless behaviour as routines are abandoned, study habits dissolve into weekday partying, and the thrill of rebellion takes over. 

In 2024, The Toronto Sun released an article exposing the disgusting aftermath of spring breakers who left a Georgia beach littered with, well, litter. Initially posted to social media, the coverage sparked outrage, with many commenters criticizing the blatant disrespect shown by student tourists.

While cities anticipate this type of behaviour, preparing for an influx of young party-goers each year, Florida’s beaches have become particularly notorious for such scenes. In preparation for 2025’s spring season, Miami Beach, Fort Lauderdale, and Daytona Beach ramped up police surveillance in an effort to control the state’s annual mayhem. While stricter law enforcement has led to a decline in overall attendance, it has not stopped many students from making the trip south. 

Meanwhile, publications continue to cater to spring breakers eager to make the most of their vacation. In March 2025, The Palm Beach Post published a guide outlining alcohol regulations across Florida’s beaches, providing visitors with crucial tips for a trouble-free break. While these efforts to maintain order can be helpful, they also highlight a broader question: how do trip guides contribute to the commercialization of spring break?

An influx of tourists means an influx of spending, and the authors of travel tricks and city guides are well aware of this. While they aim to make student travel as hassle-free as possible, their efforts go far beyond convenience. Travel expenses often go hand-in-hand with fashion purchases, as many students feel pressured to “look their best” on vacation. Packing lists and travel recommendations are frequently designed to push products, reinforcing the notion that a trip will be ruined without certain must-haves. Brands of all sizes capitalize on this mindset, launching spring ad campaigns and exclusive deals to entice buyers.

However, with the rise of social media, companies no longer need to work as hard to drive demand. Influencers eagerly take on that role, showcasing their spring break hauls across YouTube, TikTok, and Instagram. Fast fashion brands like SHEIN benefit from this cycle, offering trendy, budget-friendly pieces that fuel the desire to stay stylish without breaking the bank.

But what do these trends truly offer their buyers? Where do these products end up? And who ultimately profits from student spending? The answer, for many of us, is already clear.

Litter and waste take many forms: empty bottles scattered across sandy beaches from last night’s festivities and plastic bikinis worn once, now sinking to the ocean floor. Spring break is not just a trip; it is a product, commercialized by brands and influencers who sell it as the experience of a lifetime, a week to go wild, the ultimate university vacation. 

Spring break should be a time to unwind, not an obligation to overspend on microplastics and fleeting trends. A good time should not come with a price tag. Corny or not, the truth stands: a trip’s defining moments, the ones that last, are found in the people you are with and the memories you create together. Those must-have sandals? Quickly forgotten.

In an interview with The News Movement, Charli xcx distilled the essence of brat down to just a few essentials: a pack of cigarettes, a lighter, and a white, strappy tank worn with no bra. The album and its aesthetic are not driven by consumerism, but instead prove that style and attitude do not require excess. It remains trendy and accessible without being built on piles of microplastics—though her later collaboration with H&M complicates this message. Her partnership with a major retailer inevitably ties it to an industry that encourages accumulation rather than minimalism, raising questions about the sustainability of its aesthetic ideals.

Nevertheless, Charli suggests that these few items are all one needs to embody the party-girl energy of her music, which speaks to a larger cultural message: you do not need “stuff” to be cool, to have fun, or to fit in. It is about the vibe you bring to the function, the energy you carry inside yourself, and the joy you share with the people closest to you.

So, the next time “Spring breakers” plays or you find yourself reminiscing about a past trip, think about the memories you made. Did the swimsuits you wore define those moments? The essence of spring break lies not in the excess but in the moments that prove you never truly needed it.

The post Spring Break Sold Separately appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Lensky is a classically trained musician finding his sound and his footing in Montreal’s indie music scene. He has released two singles, “Tomatoes” and “Valentine’s Day,” and is looking forward to more live performances in Montreal, Ottawa, and Toronto. I sat down with Lensky to discuss his inspirations, his goals, and his advice for emerging artists.

Catey Fifield for The McGill Daily (MD): Tell me about yourself.

Lensky (L): My name is Lensky and I’m a Montreal-based musician — I’m a singer and songwriter, and I also play the piano. I studied classical music at the Royal Conservatory in Toronto, and I recently moved to Montreal, where I’ve released my first two singles and started gigging. 

MD: And what about your day job?

L: I work for an AI consultancy that advises executive leadership teams on how to implement and embrace AI in their organizations. And then I have another side job where I work as an editorial writer for a dance radio station in Chicago — I write for them and do interviews for them and some festival coverage as well.

MD: How would you describe the music you’re making, and what is your motivation in making it?

L: I think my music falls into the adult contemporary genre, which is such a huge umbrella term. But I struggle with defining it because the contemporary pop landscape is very specific, and I don’t think my music necessarily falls into that – there are folk elements and jazz elements and blues elements, too.

As for my motivation, I like to joke that the purest motivation to make music is to get laid. And that’s definitely true, though I think “getting laid” can mean a lot more than just the obvious. Maybe it’s validation you seek. Maybe it’s about engaging with the self in order to express your emotions and ideas. I also think, to be frank, that I write music so that I can do more shows. That’s my bread and butter, that’s when I feel like I’m in my element.

MD: How does your classical training inform your understanding of music and the way you produce it?

L: The name “Lensky” comes from Tchaikovsky’s opera Eugene Ongein, which is based on a Pushkin novel. So there’s that immediate association to the classical space. I chose that name because I really don’t want to lose sight of classical music and its influence on my artistry. It was really important to me, for example, to play live as much as possible when we recorded “Valentine’s Day.” You can make music in this very insular way where everyone goes into the studio and records separately, but that feels restrictive to me. I love the idea that you can capture a “live energy,” almost like gospel music, when everyone plays together.

MD: Can you tell me a bit more about your songwriting process? What inspired the singles “Tomatoes” and “Valentine’s Day”?

L: The songwriting process is ever evolving. “Tomatoes” and “Valentine’s Day” were some of the first songs I ever wrote, and both were inspired by a relationship I was in that I wasn’t getting the most out of. It was a challenging time for me because it was one of my first interactions with love, and an interaction that left me feeling deeply wounded – whatever beautiful things came out of it.

It’s been a few years since I wrote both songs, and it’s funny because as they’ve developed a life of their own, the association to heartbreak has lessened. I actually moved to Serbia for a year and a half after writing them, and almost forgot about them. It wasn’t until I got back to Canada that one of my friends in Toronto, Zoe Kertes, encouraged me to get serious about recording music and produced “Tomatoes.” And then “Valentine’s Day” was produced here in Montreal, at McGill’s MMR (Music Multimedia Room), with Chris Kengard. That was such a blessing – the McGill studios and equipment are really nice, and Chris is just so talented.

MD: How did you find your bandmates, and how did you know that they were a good fit?

L: It’s such a classic story. I met our guitarist, Thomas Harries, through a friend of a friend of a neighbour of a friend, and then he brought in the rest of the band. My bandmates are all super talented, they all study jazz at Concordia, and they’re equally happy to do a Kate Bush cover or learn one of my originals. 

MD: Why is Montreal a good place for new artists to find their footing? What challenges do emerging artists face here?

L: When I got back from Europe, I wanted to settle in Montreal because I knew that, as a Canadian artist, this was the place to be. When you’re in the developmental stage, it’s really convenient that there are so many venues — I live in the Mile End and there are probably twenty venues around me. And the community is just great — very welcoming, very diverse.

I think that, for emerging artists, the biggest challenges are figuring out what to do and having the audacity to do it. You ask yourself, Where do I go? How do I find people to play with? The first official gig I played in Montreal was actually for a friend’s museum fundraiser in Saint-Henri, and I’ve learned that you just have to be okay with experiences that might be uncomfortable or untraditional. But, really, I can’t think of a city that’s more accessible for music in Canada.

MD: What are your goals for the next year? The next five years?

L: I basically have an album written. I’d like to get back in the studio and keep recording — I just want to have more available for people to find online. Really, though, my goal is just to play live. I believe in artists cutting their teeth, and I think one of the detracting features of the current music business is that you can achieve a certain level of success without ever having set foot on a stage.

In five years, I don’t know. I just want to be really good — that’s so important to me. I’m learning guitar, I’m taking vocal lessons again, and I’m trying to solidify my skillset. Hopefully there’s an album out by 2030 — maybe there’ll even be two. Who knows?

The post Experiments in Classical and Contemporary Sound appeared first on The McGill Daily.

“Mountain Scale” – Asher White

Providence-based artist, Asher White has recently garnered attention after receiving an 8.0 on her most recent album, Home Constellation Study, as well as having a song featured on the compilation album for trans rights, Transa. She has released an abounding 26 albums on Bandcamp, the first of which were put out when she was just 14! Her songs take on a DIY-feel, yet the arrangements are intricate and eccentric. The song “Mountain Scale” from her album Elmwood Cassette stands out with its soft, but dynamic, vocals and harmonies. Although it is followed by a more punk-sounding song, the track order feels complementary. 

“Acabemos Con El Femicidio” – Pelada

There can never be enough praise for the irreplicable Montreal techno-dance-punk duo Pelada. Although they disbanded last year, their energy can still be felt through the screen when rewatching past performances, especially their Boiler Room x Primavera Sound set in Barcelona. Chris Vargas’ vocals blend perfectly with strong dance beats in an unexpected way. “Acabemos con el femicidio” translates to “let’s end femicide;” sexism being a core theme in their lyricism. Listen to them when getting ready to go out, or, honestly, whenever!

“Limitless Night” – Drinking Boys and Girls Choir

Drinking Boys and Girls Choir are a punk band from Daegu, South Korea. They emerged in the local scene there as a women-fronted band. After signing with British record label, Damnably, they’ve toured extensively around North America and Europe, often opening for the Japanese all-women band, Otoboke Beaver. The band played at Théatre Beanfield in March of last year. The audience was blown away at the band’s ability to keep up with such a fast drum beat while remaining somewhat calm. I included the first song of the album in this list because it gets you wanting to listen to the rest; a perfect hook if you will.

“My Pal Foot Foot” – The Shaggs

The Shaggs are a favourite of many influential musicians; Kurt Cobain and Frank Zappa were huge fans. The band consisted of four sisters from New Hampshire who were forced to learn to play instruments from an early age by their superstitious father. Their intense musical training unfortunately did not get them very far. Their album titled Philosophy of the World, doesn’t actually consist of any lyrical depth either. However, after developing a cult following in the 80s, they have been deemed to be unintentionally brilliant. Afterall, it must have been hard to be that bad. Or is it truly genius and only the real ones get it? But it is bad, right?

“The White Tent the Raft” – Jane Siberry

Jane Siberry is a Canadian singer/songwriter whose music is often categorized as “high art” rock. Her album The Walking is a treasure chest filled with songs that feel like movies; not just a scene, but the movie in its entirety. “The White Tent the Raft” is no exception. The nine-minute song is made up of independently unique verses, a strong chorus, and randomly recurring themes. Her voice can be compared to dramatic soprano singers like Kate Bush and Elizabeth Fraser. Along with songwriting and vocal/instrumental credits, she is also the co-producer of the album. It is rare but inspiring to see women in the technical roles of song-making. Her songs are not for casual-listening, but perfect for car rides or walks where her voice can be your main focus!

The post Have You Heard These Sweet, Sweet Tunes? appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Over the years, my expectations for comprehensive mainstream war coverage in Sub-Saharan Africa dwindled bit by bit. I lost patience hearing reporters reduce complex conflicts to tribal disputes. I grew tired of reading the gross abstractions about “never ending war” that often accompanies reporting on the Global South. Still, as the current M23 conflict in the East of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has recently begun to receive more coverage from global media outlets, a small part of me expected to see proficient writing on the complexities of the armed conflict.

My hopes were unfounded. The passive reporting of sexual violence in the DRC has instead, left a new sour taste in my mouth; a taste that can specifically be attributed to the lack of structural analysis on root of sexual violence in war, as well as a lack of coverage on the local resistance against this deliberate act of violence. 

A documentary that partly avoided falling into the trap of obscuring wartime sexual violence was the first episode in Gloria Steinem’s “Woman” series, which investigated the instrumental use of rape in Eastern Congo. The episode focused on the Kivu region, a nucleus for conflict, where sexual violence has been weaponised to humiliate its communities and assert dominance. The episode was by no means comprehensive, as it admittedly failed to examine how the legitimation of sexual violence in Congolese society was the basis for its exponential increase during the war. It additionally does not report on UN peacekeepers’ sexual abuse of Congolese women. Despite this, interviews conducted by journalist Isobel Yeoung were still able to give viewers a first-hand account of the distressing toll that sexual violence has taken on Kivu. Yeoung also interviewed activists who worked to address the sexual crimes neglected by the government, covering the community response to the violence. For instance, Yeoung met with the Congolese activist Masika Katsuva, who founded the Association des Personnes Déshéritées Unies pour le Développement (APDUD) in 2002, which has rehabilitated over 10,000 women. The documentary further includes a notable interview with the Nobel peace prize winning Congolese gynecologist Dr Dennis Mukwege, as viewers learn about his role in founding the Panzi Hospital in 1999 aimed to treat victims of rape. 

Almost ten years after the episode was filmed, there is still a clear relationship between a rise in armed conflict and increased sexual violence. In early February 2025, male inmates raped and burned over a hundred female inmates in a prison in the city of Goma following a jailbreak. This attack took place in the midst of the current upsurge of violence between the M23 rebel group on one side, and the Congolese military, vigilante groups, and UN peacekeepers on the other. As of February 2025, the insurgency has resulted in over 7000 deaths and while no reports have linked the mass rape to a political organisation, the attack demonstrates the scale of sexual crimes during warfare.

Mainstream media tends to over-rely on legal frameworks to legitimise any real issue. This results in a lack of meaningful reporting into “unfounded” topics, such as the manifestation of sexual violence in communities. While the legally binding Article of the Fourth Geneva convention (1949) states that, “Women shall be especially protected against any attack on their honour, in particular against rape, enforced prostitution, or any form of indecent assault.”: there was still not enough reportage on wartime rape until the late 20th century. The Rwandan genocide of 1994, among other horrifying wars that took place during the decade, revealed how women are systemically abused in armed conflict.  During the genocide, an estimated 2500,000-500,000 women were raped within approximately 100 days, which gained international attention. Still, sexual violence in war was only considered a threat to peace and security in 2008 when UN resolution 1820 was passed. Since this topic has clearly not been a primary concern of international law, reporting on the roots of the instrumental use of wartime rape has naturally not received enough coverage in mainstream media. 

When these outlets actually address sexual violence during war, they present distorted representations of the women impacted by these atrocities. Rape victims are seen as collateral damage. They are given no name and no agency– as the reigning assumption is that they would surely never dare to resist their situation since it is “all they know.” Leela Gandhi’s essay Postcolonialism and Feminism, discussed this very topic through an analysis of the West’s conceptualisation of the “third world-woman” as she wrote that “such theory postulates the third-world woman’ as victim par excellence—the forgotten casualty of both imperial ideology, and native and foreign patriarchies.” 

Gandhi’s description precisely captures the passivity attributed to women in the Global South. It encompasses how the manifestation of gender based violence is often at best, treated as an afterthought and at worst, completely neglected. Take a look at the BBC article covering the Goma rape. Although no groups have taken credit for the assault, the article still contextualizes the ongoing insurgency and counterinsurgency in Eastern DRC. However, the article never addresses the culture of sexual violence in the DRC, nor does it acknowledge any acts of resistance. It does not mention findings about how “50% of women have experienced sexual violence in a domestic context” nor does it touch on the women’s marches calling for an end to the war. Instead, the use of passive voice treats the topic of rape as an incidental event in the conflict; and once again, rape is characterized as an arbitrary consequence of war. Women are presented as the unfortunate victims of this inevitable issue, with the article refusing to recognize the organized attack on women during war.

Wartime rape is often written about as if it were an individual rogue attack and not a system of violence worthy of political analysis. Yet whether one wants to admit it or not, wartime rape thrives off of government neglect. For example, UN experts on the crisis in the DRC affirmed the Rwandan government’s backing of the M23 group, one that has committed various human rights abuses including rape. The Human Rights Watch reported similar instances of sexual violence committed by Congolese soldiers since 2022. The UN itself confirmed that over 90% of sexual assault allegations against peacekeepers in 2023 originated from The DRC and The Central African Republic. Nonetheless, the consequences of mass sexual violence committed by government and IGO (Intergovernmnetal Organizations) agents lacks thorough investigation. Although there has been an increased recognition of sexual crimes, such as the ongoing trial of soldiers in the DRC accused of rape, governments still fail to take a closer look at the how the culture of sexual violence in armed conflict manifests.

Mass sexual violence during war is not incidental. It is a military strategy that humiliates and demoralizes women with the aim to humiliate and demoralize their societies. From the system of comfort women in imperial Japan to the increased rape in the DRC, women’s sexual subjugation has historically been magnified in military conflict. Therefore, it is entirely necessary for more in-depth analysis into the use of rape as a war tactic to be taken.

Media coverage must take a clearer stance when reporting the violence committed by soldiers and the failures to address the root of these crimes. We must reject the idea that Congolese women are unnamed victims. We must affirm the agency of women in the DRC conflict, as well as women globally. 

The post How Sexual Violence in War Journalism is Treated as an Afterthought appeared first on The McGill Daily.

In 1969, at the ironically named Second Congress to Unite Women, co-founder and then president of the National Organization for Women (NOW) Betty Friedan campaigned for women to enter “into the mainstream of American society, now [in] fully equal partnership with men.”

With this goal in mind, and a position at the top of America’s largest women’s advocacy group at the time, she became the “mother of second-wave feminism.”

“Homosexuality is not, in my opinion, what the women’s movement is all about.”

Friedan was given free license by the public to speak on behalf of all women’s interests, and with that power, she made amazing progress in terms of asserting women’s rights across America.

All except queer women, that is.

“They are a lavender menace to women’s rights.”

With the word “lavender,” Friedan was referring to a slang term for “gay,” which first originated in the 1930s. Queer people at the time would wear light purple lapels to signal their sexuality to other homosexuals. Over the years, this covert method became public and lost its safety as a sign of silent solidarity. It became either a term for closeted (as in a “‘lavender marriage”’) or, in some cases, a reclaimed colour of pride.

Friedan was also alluding to the “red menace” phenomenon during the Cold War, wherein Americans were increasingly suspicious that their neighbours were secretly undercover communists. Friedan clarified this connection, stating that if lesbians were publicly mentioned in NOW’s directive, feminists as a whole would be seen as “a bunch of bra-burning man-haters.”

Despite what Friedan wanted the public to believe, NOW had a very close and beneficial relationship with the Daughters of Bilitis (DOB), a San Francisco based lesbian activism group named after Sappho’s courtesan on the Isle of Lesbos.

The DOB started as a social club. Gay bars were often raided by police, so the DOB organized meetings at confidential locations. Two of its founders, Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon, said the club started as a safe space to slow dance, as doing so with the same sex in public was illegal. A member would be assigned to door duty, greeting each new participant with the phrase “I’m [name]. Who are you? You don’t have to give me your real name, not even your real first name.”

Though the group was formed to avoid police, it nonetheless attracted the attention of the FBI. Undercover agents were sent to meetings to report back on the group’s activities. Eventually, they concluded that the goal of the DOB was “to educate the public to accept the Lesbian homosexual into society.” Russel Wolden, former City Assessor until his arrest for conspiracy and bribery in 1967, criticized San Francisco’s government by describing the city as a “haven for homosexuals.” In a City Hall Hearing, he warned the public of the “danger” of the DOB:

“You parents of daughters — do not sit back complacently feeling that because you have no boys in your family everything is all right … Make yourself acquainted with the name Daughters of Bilitis.”

We know that NOW was well-acquainted with the DOB, having been sponsored by the group for years. Despite this, they refused to put the DOB’s name on their list of donors, in order to further distance the feminist movement from that of gay rights.

Regardless of how hypocritically Friedan denied lesbian participation in feminism, her sentiment was echoed by the movement as a whole. The message was simple: lesbian issues aren’t women’s issues because lesbians aren’t proper women. Or, as Friedan put it: “We want feminine feminists.”

The effect of this statement was immediate, and NOW began its goal of removing lesbians from feminism, beginning in their own organization. Newsletter editor Rita Mae Brown was fired for being a lesbian, along with all other openly queer women employed by NOW.

In response, Brown created a new group for women who had been excluded by mainstream feminism due to their sexuality, which she called “Lavender Menace.”

The original members, seventeen in total, were made up of previous NOW advocates and women from the Gay Liberation Front (GLF). Both groups had similar complaints about lesbian issues being sidelined in their organization and yearned for an advocacy group where their demands wouldn’t play second fiddle to either straight women or gay men.

Brown created Lavender Menace with that exact goal in mind, finally offering queer women a space where they wouldn’t have to shout in order to be seen. Their first directive was to remind NOW of the power they’d lost in excluding lesbians from the women’s movement.

So, about five months later in May 1970, they hijacked the Second Congress to Unite Women. Friedan had just taken the stage to introduce the event when several crowd members stood up abruptly. They tore off the shirts to the audience’s shock, only to reveal a second shirt underneath which read Lavender Menace.

A Lavender Menace member took Friedan’s momentary shock as a chance to take the microphone and introduce the group to all the feminists gathered, explaining that their goal was to educate the crowd, not talk over them. She simply announced that outside the building, Lavender Menace was setting up workshops about queerness for any women interested.

They also passed around a manifesto titled The Woman Identified Woman, which contained a resolution to the Second Congress asking feminists to recognize, then and forever, that the movement must:

1. “Be resolved that women’s liberation is a lesbian plot.

2. Resolved that whenever the label ‘lesbian’ is used against the movement collectively or against women individually, it is to be affirmed, not denied.

3. In all discussions of birth control, homosexuality must be included as a legitimate method of contraception.

4. All sex education curricula must include lesbianism as a valid, legitimate form of sexual expression and love.

Each resolution works to give queer women an equal standing in feminism as their straight counterparts. NOW’s biggest pitfall was assuming that all women benefitted equally from the legislation they put forward, completely ignoring intersections of race, class, and sexuality in their platform. In order for feminism to benefit all women equally, the movement must acknowledge the diverse experiences of womanhood, and advocate accordingly.

The post The Lavender Menace appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Sea Cliff is the epitome of small-town living. A unique enclave amidst the landscape of Levittowns and highways on Long Island, it was originally founded as a German Methodist summer campground. Marketed as a brisk getaway from the hustle and bustle of turn-of-the century New York City, it was a literal shining city on a hill overlooking the Long Island Sound. I can’t stress enough how that era has shaped my hometown. Upkeep of Victorian-era buildings, maintaining a family-friendly reputation, rallying against housing developments, and stern independence from other municipalities. It’s the Jeffersonian dream: a self sufficient, proud, independent village that prides itself on said independence. Life is all about “Keeping Sea Cliff Weird.”

Yet, Sea Cliff’s admirable tenacity runs only skin-deep. The village only gets more expensive the more yuppie, Brooklynite families move in. Its roads are more packed as its nineteenth-century planning stretches to accommodate Long Island’s car culture. It becomes ever less diverse and less weird. Economic disparity joins the list alongside a long-standing lack of racial diversity. It’s an impasse between old and new. It can be seen in the transition of businesses in the last five years: the old hardware store turned into a beauty parlour, three new slick coffee shops in place of a single café, and the increasing presence of RXR real estate “luxury” developments surrounding the village. Sea Cliff’s position is similar to many across the country, finding itself perpetually shifting amidst the political shocks of an insecure nation. What’s passed down from this national political zeitgeist that champions vigilantes and the destruction of bureaucracy — a philosophy that fueled the January 6 riots — is the encouragement to localized action. If local politics reflects that of the nation, Sea Cliff is no different in its struggle for equilibrium. If there’s one flaw in the ideology of the small town, it is its resistance to change, and no better example could be found than that of local business owner Robert Ehrlich and his recent coup d’état.

On the morning of Monday, March 10, Ehrlich and three colleagues walked into Village Hall and pronounced themselves the new governing body of Sea Cliff, declaring that every current village employee was fired. These proclamations arrive nearly a week before the Village’s mayoral elections, which Ehrlich has already proclaimed “fully rigged and meaningless.” After an hourlong standoff with municipal staff and a half dozen police officers, Ehrlich and company were escorted out of village hall by county police.

As a follow-up to an official village statement, Ehrlich replied in a now-deleted Facebook post, “We have a new entity,” declaring an end to “this racist antisemitic group that wishes to control every aspect of our lives and our businesses. With zero experience and success in their lives except to maintain phony made up power. (sic)” In an interview with the Long Island Herald, Ehrlich stated he had accrued 1,800 signatures to dissolve the Village government (supposedly in accordance with the NYS Citizens Empowerment Act) and had been invited to the White House. Additionally, Ehrlich stated, “I’m interpreting the law any way I want, the way Trump would interpret laws as he sees fit… It’s called trickledown politics, which is what we’re doing.”

Robert Ehrlich may be Sea Cliff’s embodiment of Trump. A “rags-to-riches” story of his establishment of Pirate Brands (of Pirate’s Booty fame), based in Sea Cliff, made him an amiable example of smalltown success. However, after the expansion of Pirate Brands, Ehrlich sued his co-founder, Mike Repole, for 195 million USD, claiming that Repole attacked his “self-confidence and entrepreneurial spirit,” despite making an estimated 70 million USD from Pirate Brands alongside him.

It was just “Rob being Rob,” Repole said. “You would think that someone who made over 70 million USD would be very happy.”

Since 2015, while his village properties remained dormant and his business thriving, Ehrlich became increasingly active in politics, protesting the Village’s alleged lack of transparency and corruption. Recently, however, he was only able to cite inadequate outdoor seating and “limits on creativity” as the standing government’s current flaws. As noted by colleagues like Repole, Ehrlich may have a troubled relationship with facts; in a deleted post by Ehrlich, the businessman claimed he had met with New York Governor Kathy Hochul and had been given the “go-ahead” for his coup d’état plan. According to the Governor’s office, this meeting never happened. Ehrlich, without large sums of money and international recognition, might otherwise be labelled a small-town eccentric.

In pursuit of protecting a Village (or a country) from change, the reaction of the privileged is despotic. In the vein of those like Ehrlich and Trump, their ends justify their means — if they perceive something as “wrong,” “they don’t go and ask for permission, they just do it.” In small towns like Sea Cliff, across the US, individuals are emboldened to actively defy the rule of law for their own benefit. It’s an ideology that emboldens behaviour like that of March 10 or January 6, all resulting from the trickle-down of Donald Trump and entitled personalities like Ehrlich.

The post “It’s Called Trickle-Down Politics” appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Fueled by dopamine and celebrity glitz, young college men are among the prime targets for these marketing machines. Beneath the game’s thrill lies a user interface (UI) built to maximize profits, obscure odds, and encourage risk. I focus on DraftKings, though similar tactics and designs apply across different sports betting platforms.

The DraftKings platform is not just for entertainment purposes. The use of relentless, misleading notifications and promotions for high-risk parlays and samegame-parlays (SGPs) nudges users toward riskier choices that drive bookmakers’ profit margins while downplaying the true cost of betting. Parlays and SGPs, both types of multibets, have a much more complex calculation for their true price, as it compounds based on various single bets, referred to as legs. This may lead to an inequitable experience, especially for those between the ages of 18 to 22, as well as economically vulnerable households, as they are encouraged to partake in these risky, addictive behaviors and constantly lured into the broader world of gambling. The result? DraftKings creates an uneven playing field where casual bettors are at a disadvantage and addiction is embedded within the UI.

Understanding sports betting’s behavioral impact requires a social lens. Recently, wagering has become a “sports ritual,” much like having a beer during a game, normalizing the behavior. A successful bet can serve as cultural capital within social groups, reinforcing male identity. This social framing, especially among young men, shapes perceptions of betting and creates pressure to participate.

I invite you to take a step inside the DraftKings app. Immediately, Shaquille O’Neal pops up in the center of your screen with a big smile and bright green colors that contrast against the dark background — “Shaq’s Boost of the Week: Player Rebounds Parlay Boost!” You keep scrolling on these colorful deals, seeing more parlay and SGP boost deals. At the end of the deals is a widget that reads “It’s more fun when it’s for fun,” a meek reminder to bet responsibly. And at the bottom right, a pop-up widget that redirects you to play blackjack on the app lurks on your screen as you visit any page.At first glance, the app appears to seamlessly blend entertainment, special deals, and celebrity endorsements. However, once you leave it, the bombardment of notifications leaves no space for breathing as DraftKings urges you to participate in a “special deal.” Multibets are designed to enhance prices for bookmakers while the true price paid for the deal is much larger than what it might seem at first glance. There is no option to specify which type of notifications you would like to receive, and there is no apparent way of knowing the true price of a multibet deal, which may especially put inexperienced young bettors at risk of reducing welfare. Moreover, the constant prompting to play a casino game may serve as a way of getting casual bettors to spend more time and money on DraftKings by developing a more serious gambling vice. After all, DraftKings openly admitted to hoping to create “higher customer lifetime value” after acquiring a leading lottery app in the US.

Just as some people may be more prone to developing addictions, the particular “structural characteristics” of objects can contribute to speeding up or starting an addiction. Time-sensitive “special” offers and hidden costs in DraftKings’ notifications, combined with ads promoting a betting culture, reinforce the normalization of sports gambling. These design choices create a social fabric where betting feels routine. This normalization works side-by-side with the design of notifications and promotional multibet deals on DraftKings by reinforcing the notion that gambling is exciting while ignoring the consequences of gambling.

Given DraftKings’ profit driven model, removing multibets and casino features is unlikely. However, the platform has a moral obligation to design a UI that protects young users from addiction. Generic warnings are not enough, nor are they effective. DraftKings should implement transparent pricing for multibets by displaying a clear breakdown of the total price calculation for a multibet, along with a clear breakdown of the odds of each leg, to reduce the risk of the development of vicious betting habits among young men. Additionally, it is important that DraftKings creates more detailed mobile notification settings upon download, allowing for displays of bet losses, which currently do not exist. Also, there should be a notification option to show money and time spent betting if it is classified as “risky” in accordance with public health guidelines.

Although the causes of addiction are extensive, and warnings about true odds may be more useful as preventative measures, the solution must extend beyond UI alone. Design choices can help prevent vulnerable young populations from developing a “casual bet” dynamic into a long-term addiction. For these design changes to be enforced, policies must be pushed to ensure sports betting apps have less predatory designs.

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However, the Ukrainian armament is still deeply reliant on foreign aid. Military assistance to Ukraine has become central to European and North American foreign policies. Ukraine is blind without Washington’s sharing of satellite images and information transmission, which came to a halt after tensions arose between Trump and Zelensky. Ukraine also does not have an infinite supply of soldiers. Zelensky has already lowered the conscription age to 25 for all men in the country, and reports of dubious enrollment methods have circulated. Russia is better equipped for a lengthy conflict, even though public opinion at home may impact this. Producing most of its armament domestically, it can still count on drones from Iran, as well as ammunition and, reportedly, soldiers from North Korea, estimated at about 12,000 by Ukraine in February of this year.

Trump’s entry into office on January 20 radically changed the diplomatic dynamics surrounding the conflict. During his campaign, he promised to put an end to the war; but, on February 12, he was on the phone with Putin. After Zelensky visited the White House on February 28, Trump attempted to pressure Kyiv into accepting a deal on critical minerals in Ukraine, valued at $500 billion, to “pay back” for US support during the conflict. Though tensions following the Oval Office meeting dissipated, with discussions of American and Ukrainian delegations in Jeddah on March 11, this episode demonstrates Trump’s pursuit of American interests first and foremost at the expense of Ukrainians.

Zelensky also expressed concerns over “exclusionary” peace talks between Russia and the US, claiming that the American President is locked in a misinformation bubble and adheres to the Kremlin’s rhetoric. In that same meeting, Trump proceeded to call the Ukrainian President a “dictator” and accused Zelensky of starting the conflict.

Yet, Trump is not the only reason Ukraine cannot rely on its foreign allies. Europe stands divided on military assistance. The UK, France, and Germany remain committed to the Ukrainian people. Prime Minister Keir Starmer has urged global leaders to “keep the pressure” on Russia, Macron asserted French support for Ukraine, Germany sent additional support with Gepard anti-aircraft systems, to name a few examples.. Nevertheless, the EU rejected the proposed 40 billion Euro assistance plan, only allocating 5 billion Euro to supporting Ukraine — focusing solely on ammunition, rather than humanitarian aid.

It is in this inauspicious context that ceasefire talks recirculated. US envoys met a Russian delegation in Riyadh on March 24, and representatives from Kyiv the next day. The talks focused on a limited ceasefire, ensuring strikes stopped, resuming traffic in the Black Sea, and restricting the targeting of energy infrastructures. Washington seemed rather hopeful in Riyadh, claiming a “positive announcement ” would be made in a few days.

While all three delegations agreed to the limited ceasefire, their understandings of ceasefire conditions seemed to contrast. Zelensky ’s announcement that a ceasefire would take place with immediate effect was followed by news of Russian strikes in Sumy, damaging a school and a hospital while also killing 88 Ukrainians. On Tuesday, the Ukrainian Foreign Affairs Minister, Andril Sybiha, stated that “Moscow speaks of peace while carrying out brutal strikes on densely populated
residential areas in major Ukrainian cities.” The Kremlin replied that they understood that a ceasefire would only be enacted once certain conditions were met. This, alongside the fact the Kremlin
already broke off 25 ceasefires, explains Ukraine’s deep mistrust in Russia’s respect for the agreement.

In the words of the Guardian, these ceasefire talks and agreements cannot lead to any durable peace in Ukraine. Per the Guardian, the Russian and Ukrainian visions of peace are simply too opposed: the Kremlin asserts authoritative claims to Ukrainian territory and refuses to relinquish what it has already gained territorially, while Ukraine maintains claims of sovereignty, refusing to surrender its territory to Russia.

Peace in Ukraine does not appear possible in any foreseeable future, to the despair of humanitarian activists. War is always ultimately a humanitarian crisis, and Ukraine is no exception. If we talk about world leaders, military strategies and ‘big decisions’, we must not forget that war affects peoples’ everyday lives, impacting millions of Ukrainians and forcing them to flee the country as homes and resources are destroyed.

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